Viking Settlement in North America

The Vikings had a very well established seafaring tradition

The Vikings had a very well established seafaring tradition and in addition to traveling all over Europe and parts of the Middle East, they were also responsible for permanently settling in the Faroe Islands and Iceland, settling Greenland for about half a millennium, and making a very brief pilgrimage to the east coast of what is, at present, North America. The focal point of the Viking attempt to settle North America was the base camp where modern L’Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland is now as well as the surrounding area of exploration and resource exploitation known collectively as Vinland. When studying the written sources on Viking society, the idea of traveling to foreign places as a means of increasing ones status and prestige becomes a common theme. The Viking exploration of North America was certainly conflated with an attempt to settle in the new lands, but the saga evidence supports even more strongly the idea that Vikings traveling to North America were looking for both monetary and material gain, as well as the personal prestige and heightened status that this indeed earned them. Certainly, consideration of the intent and audience of the sagas suggests that the honour of discovering and attempting to settle in North America was significant enough to warrant attributing it to different people for different reasons.

I will first outline the discovery and initial settlement of North America, according to the sagas, both in terms of the specific people and places involved, as well as general concepts regarding Viking expansion. Greenland was by no means dangerously overpopulated, but limited supplies were a concern even for such a resourceful people as the Vikings.[1] Despite the need for resources, it was fortune that sparked the exploration and settlement of Vinland. Although there is some disagreement between the two Icelandic sources for Viking activity in North America, The Greenlanders’ Saga and Eirik the Red’s Saga, most scholars agree that Bjarni Herjolfsson was the first to discover the coast of North America, while Leif Eiriksson was the first to explore and settle it. Bjarni wished to travel to Greenland to spend the winter with his father after he found him absent from his home in Iceland.[2] Neither Bjarni nor any of his crew had sailed to Greenland before, and they found themselves blown off course and lost in fog.[3] Although these locations are not certain, it is most likely that Bjarni sailed along the coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, and Baffin Island before finally reaching his destination to Greenland.[4] Bjarni’s voyage took place in 986.[5]

Although he was perilously off course and was understandably putting forward the effort to make the safest voyage possible,[6] He was somewhat criticized for his lack of curiosity when he was unable to recount anything about the lands he spotted from a distance during his journey upon his arrival in Greenland.[7] Eirik the Red’s son Leif decided that he had the curiosity that Bjarni lacked and set off to the unknown land.[8] Even if the historical accuracy of this account is somewhat ambiguous, we can definitely take from this exchange that the sagas were written with an understanding that being curious and immediately taking an interest in uncharted lands were highly valued virtues in Viking society. Leif and his team of thirty-five men[9] traced Bjarni’s path back and stopped at each of the three places and explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence.[10] The site where they finally settled and decided to spend the winter[11] was most likely where modern L’Anse aux Meadows, on the Northern tip of Newfoundland, is now.[12] This settlement is not Vinland itself, for it is too far north to have yielded grapes, but it became a stage for more southerly expeditions and, in a sense, was an integral part of Vinland.[13] This settlement was thereafter referred to as Leifsbúđir[14] and the fair amount of archaeological evidence of Viking settlement found at the L’Anse aux Meadows site makes it the strongest candidate for the location of this camp.[15] The archaeological evidence also supports, with a “95% confidence level that the site was occupied some time between 990 and 1030,”[16] which fits nicely with the initial discovery of the area, 986, according to the Greenlanders’ saga. I will return to Leif Eiriksson and the details of follow-up voyages to Vinland in due course.

I will now discuss settlement in North America in more general terms. As is suggested by the Viking failure to establish a permanent settlement, the Vinland settlements were very short-lived. In addition to the nonexistence of burial grounds,[17] Leifsbúđir was not rebuilt multiple times as was typical of other contemporary Scandinavian settlements:

There is no trace of ecological influence deriving from Norse activity at or around L’Anse aux Meadows. The human tenure was too short for that. The visitors did not plant anything, and whatever trees and shrubs they chopped up, as well as the meadow plants their beasts may have consumed soon regenerated themselves, and all went on as before. The structures they built collapsed after a score or so of years and were not repaired or replaced.[18]

According to Wallace, the few expeditions to Vinland were a year or more each and the overall period of exploration lasted only about ten years and never developed past what she calls the ‘scout’ stage of migration[19] into the second stage of migration “in which whole families arrive and establish permanent and sustainable households.”[20] The first of the two stages is the time when (usually single) young men explore a new area for a set amount of time before returning home, strictly adhering to firmly established routes between ‘island’ settlements that crop up with broad unsettled areas in between them.[21] In addition to Leifsbúđir, Straumfjöđr and Hóp were other such settlements.[22]

Despite the failure to maintain permanent settlement, there is strong indication that this was not for lack of initial intent and effort to do so. Chapman notes the urge of a younger generation with the need to expand beyond the limited habitable space available in Greenland which was already staked out by their parents.[23] I will return to the habitability of Greenland momentarily. Arnold is keen to cite the nature of the physical remains of settlement in L’Anse aux Meadows (Leifsbúđir) as evidence of an effort for permanent settlement: “A cluster of turf house, including a boat repair shed, a blacksmith’s workshop, a kiln and a furnace, as well as accommodation for approximately 90 people, are a good indication of the seriousness of Greenlanders in establishing a permanent settlement across the Atlantic.”[24] Furthermore, Wallace points out that the houses were built with roofs in order to withstand winter, as opposed to more exposed temporary structures meant for use during the milder seasons.[25]

It is also apparent in the spirit and actions of the individuals involved in the sagas’ expeditions that there eventually emerged a veritable intent to make a permanent settlement. Leif’s explorations of the surroundings of his base camp were limited to what ground could be covered and retraced throughout the course of a day, and he returned to Greenland after his first year.[26] However, his brother Thorvald made a more tenacious effort,[27] cited in the Greenlanders’ saga as saying “It is beautiful here ... Here I should like to make my home.”[28] However, before this wish could come to fruition, he was killed in a retaliatory assault by hostile Natives after he and his team killed eight out of nine of a group of Natives they encountered.[29] There is less to say about Thorstein Eirikson’s voyage as his intent was merely to recover the body of his brother, Thorvald, but unfavourable weather led him and his crew to the Western Settlement of Greenland where he died of an epidemic.[30] The spirit of permanent settlement is picked back up again with Thorstein’s widow, Gudrid, and her second husband Thorfinn Karsefni.[31] They brought sixty colonists with them[32] and the livestock that they brought is an indication that their intention was “to settle if they could.”[33] Although it does not do to take specific details from the sagas, especially from series laced with such fantastical elements as those that crop up in The Greenlanders’ and Eirik the Red’s, but there is no denying that the intent to settle is a recurring theme in these sagas and that the capacity to attempt settlement was an accurate indication of status as it was so tied up with the personal influence of these figures and the resources that they had at their disposal (construction materials, livestock, and, of course, human subjects).

Despite the spirit of settlement that comes through in the sagas, the return to Greenland also becomes a recurring reality in the individual accounts. Wallace goes so far as to claim that this was, in the end, the ultimate goal of all expeditions to Vinland.[34] It is difficult to ignore the ease of commute between Greenland and Vinland when considering this. According to Chapman, “The distance was shorter, and the navigation was easier than the courses between Norway and Iceland, as well as Norway and Greenland.”[35] According to Logan, the route was fairly straightforward and routine. Apparently, Gudrid and Thorfinn embarked on a familiar voyage that was easily accomplished, and it is assumed that a number of their crew had made the trip before.[36] This is a notion that comes into play when we look at the export of natural resources from the eastern seaboard to Greenland.

It is also important to remember that there was a definite cap on the size of population in Greenland. Their civilization may not necessarily have been as fragile as Wahlgren suggests, but the limited space “at the edge of the inland ice”[37] naturally limited population growth as well:

Greenland’s population never grew beyond that of a small country town; perhaps some 3000 inhabitants. These clung, it must have seemed to them, to a narrow possibility, survival a matter of the 50 miles separating the coast from the ice-cap which rolls northward from there to the turning axis of the globe.[38]

These some 3000 people were divided, for the most part, into two settlements, the western and the eastern, spaced about 400 miles apart.[39] There were about 160 farms amongst these settlements scattered along various fjords wherever they could stand on habitable indentations into the wall of rock and ice that characterizes the coast of Greenland.[40] In spite of the limited range of habitability, “There was no population pressure in Greenland. Unlike the situation in Iceland, the population remained small throughout its existence, only a few thousand, possibly as little as two thousand.”[41] Hall cites the lack of manpower inherent in the Greenlanders’ low population as the ultimate deciding factor in their failure to sustain a viable settlement.[42] I will momentarily return to the consequences of a lack of available people, but the ease of commute between Greenland and Vinland discussed above becomes a recurring theme throughout the following discussion of abandonment.

The fairly straightforward commute between Vinland and Greenland made it easier for settlers to flee in the face of adversity. This ties in with the idea that they abandoned Vinland due to the hostile Natives who outnumbered them.[43] It is important to first understand the Natives that the Greenlanders came into contact with as well as the nature of their relationship with them. The non-Inuit Natives they encountered were probably Beothuk, who spent the summer on the coast, and retreated to the forest during the winter.[44]

The lack of resident indigenous population in the early eleventh century at L’Anse aux Meadows may have been one of its attractions for the Norse. In the south, along the southern shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence where they collected the butternuts, the Vinland Sagas suggest they were threatened by proto-Mi’kmaq people. On northward excursions, to Labrador, there may have been encounters with the ancestors of the Beothuk/Naskapi/Montagnais (Innu), and the Late Dorset may also have been an unwelcome presence.[45]

It is clear that there were a variety of different tribes and cultures, but to the Viking settlers, they were all simply Skraelings; a pejorative term which in Old Norse means something along the lines of ‘pitiful wretch.’[46] Despite the low opinion they apparently held regarding the indigenous population, the sagas show evidence that the Vikings were involved in trading activity with the natives. In The Greenlander’s Saga, the Natives initially wanted to trade for weapons, but Karlsefni disagreed to this for safety reasons and instead offered them milk, which they accepted enthusiastically in exchange for skins.[47] The details differ, but the story is essentially the same in Eirik the Red’s Saga. The natives wanted both red cloth and weapons, but Karlsefni again denied on it and they accepted just the red cloth in exchange for pelts.[48] The historio-literary survival of this aspect of settlement in Vinland shows that the different saga writers agreed on the significance of an economic exchange with the natives. However, both accounts also agree that significant hostility came between the settlers and the natives. According to The Greenlanders’ Saga, one of the trading settlers killed a native for trying to steal weapons, and after the ensuing confrontation (which ended in the retreat of the natives), Karlsefni decided the year after that they should return to Greenland.[49] It has been suggested that concern for the safety of his newborn son, Snorri (the first reported European born in North America), was one of the major factors behind his decision to return to Greenland.[50] According to Eirik the Red’s Saga, the natives had been scared away by the settler’s raging bull and returned three weeks later in arms to attack. When Karlsefni and his men retreated from the ensuing battle, Freydis (who was present in Karlsefni’s voyage, according to this account), berated them for their cowardice and when she could not keep up with them, she turned to the advancing natives and scared them off by slapping one of her bare breasts with a sword. After this whole affair, the settlers decide that they could not live with the constant nagging fear of attack from natives and decided to leave.[51] The most important thing we can discern from these accounts is that they are both concerned with portrayal of the settlers in battle. In the former account, it is the natives who retreat first and the general bravery of the settlers is then implied. In the latter account, it is the settlers who retreat first, and the inclusion of Freydis (Eirik the Red’s daughter) and her subsequent “defeat” of the natives very clearly shows the natural bias of Eirik’s Saga toward aggrandizing Eirik’s family over the general team of settlers.

Another interesting aspect of this account as told through The Greenlanders’ Saga is the fact that Karlsefni and his crew, on their return journey to Greenland, were sure to take “with them a great deal of produce, such as vines, berries, and skins.”[52] According to the same saga, Leif Eiriksson’s German companion Tyrkir, is credited with finding grapes during their expedition to Vinland.[53] It is no stretch of the imagination to assume, pending the historical accuracy of the sagas, that “Leif’s mercantile instincts were aroused.”[54] Indeed, grapes would have been a hot commodity:

The significance of finding grapes has commonly been overlooked. They would not have been a simple curiosity to the Norse. In Norse society, wine was an exotic luxury of great value and the type of product a chieftain would use in the feasts which were essential mechanisms for negotiating social relationships and maintaining power. Normally all wine had to be imported. The potential for an unlimited source of domestic wine would have rivaled the finding of gold.[55]

Furthermore, Adam of Bremen was under the impression that “vines producing excellent wine grow wild [in Vinland].”[56] This suggests a more subtle theme that runs through the saga evidence; this idea of gaining status through the exploitation of material goods. As I discuss earlier, the majority demographic involved in these early expeditions were young unattached men, and the suggestion is that they would have been very enthusiastic about the chance to seek “profit and fame” in a foreign land.[57] It is definitely apparent that the figures in the sagas are concerned with what they stand to gain by traveling to Vinland: “The story goes that Freydis Eiriksdaughter traveled from her home in Gardar and went to meet the brothers Helgi and Finnbogi. She asked them if they would accompany her to Vinland with their ship and share equally with her all the profits they made there.”[58] Timber was another commodity of great interest, especially when we consider that “Greenland lacked timber for buildings and ships, and all lumber had to be brought in from Europe,”[59] and they certainly found plenty of it in the seemingly endless forests of the eastern seaboard.[60] Indeed, Freydis was also interested in bringing timber back to Greenland as she filled a ship with it.[61] The portrayal of Freydis as the forewoman of material export is evidence that the saga writers were attempting to write her into a position of high authority and status:

In a society such as that of Norse Greenland, the power of chieftains depended in large measure on wealth and an ostentatious display of status goods, exotic items brought in from abroad. Thus the control of trade and imports was essential. The establishment of gateways was always authorized by a chieftain or king who exerted full control.[62]

Indeed, seems most likely that Leif’s camp on the northernmost tip of Vinland was meant “to be a base for explorers and exploiters where they could also store and export goods back to Greenland.” [63] It is certainly unlikely that Leifsbúđir was intended to be a place of permanent settlement due to its exposed position, in spite of the more habitable sheltered coves nearby, which were always preferred when a settlement was a year-round farming establishment. [64] This would have made Straumfjöđr a “transhipping station for goods collected in Vinland but destined for Greenland.”[65] Thus, archaeological evidence supports the sagas’ suggestion that settlers quickly became interested in exporting material goods back to Greenland, and the significance of labeling certain people as the leaders of this activity was not lost on the saga writers’ sense of status and family honour.

The Vikings were a very mobile people whose nautical exploits were often groundbreaking successes and were a chance for people to seek wealth and increase their status and prestige. The saga tradition has followed Viking expansion all the way to modern North America, and they are careful to portray the figures in a manner that takes the most advantage of the prestige associated with conquest and exploitation of new lands.

Bibliography

Adam of Bremen. “Adam of Bremen on Vinland.” In The Viking Age: A Reader, edited by

Angus Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 349-50. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. Originally published in F. J. Tschan, trans., History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, with new introduction by T. Reuter (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), pp. 219-20.

Anonymous. “The Norse Discovery of Vinland.” In The Viking Age: A Reader, edited by Angus

A. Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 350-54. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. Originally published in Angus A. Somerville, trans., Grœnlendinga saga, in Eyrbyggja saga, ed Einar Ól. Sveinsson and Matthías Þórđarson, Íslenzk fornrit IV (Reykjavík, 1935), pp. 244-54.

Anonymous. “The Prowess of Freydis, Daughter of Eirik the Red.” In The Viking Age: A Reader,

edited by Angus A. Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 133–35. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. Originally published in Angus A. Somerville, trans., Grœnlendinga saga, in Eyrbyggja saga, ed Einar Ól. Sveinsson and Matthías Þórđarson, Íslenzk fornrit IV (Reykjavík, 1935), pp. 264-68.

Anonymous. “The Skraelings attack.” In The Vinland Sagas: The Norse Discovery of

America, edited by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, 99-101. Middlesex: Penguin, 1965. Originally published in Skálholtsbók, reproduced by Sven B. F. Jansson in Sagnorna om Vinland, vol. 1, (Lund, 1944).

Anonymous. “Thorfinn Karlsefni in Vinland.” In The Viking Age: A Reader, edited by Angus A.

Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 355-57. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. Originally published in Angus A. Somerville, trans., Grœnlendinga saga, in Eyrbyggja saga, ed Einar Ól. Sveinsson and Matthías Þórđarson, Íslenzk fornrit IV (Reykjavík, 1935), pp. 260-64, 268-69.

Anonymous. “Thorstein Eiriksson dies.” In The Vinland Sagas: The Norse Discovery of

America, edited by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, 61-64. Middlesex: Penguin, 1965. Originally published in Flateyjarbók, Matthías Þórđarson, ed., Íslenzk Fornrit, vol. 4, (Reykjavik: 1935).

Anonymous. “Thorvald explores Vinland.” In The Vinland Sagas: The Norse Discovery of

America, edited by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, 59-61. Middlesex: Penguin, 1965. Originally published in Flateyjarbók, Matthías Þórđarson, ed., Íslenzk Fornrit, vol. 4, (Reykjavik: 1935).

Secondary Sources:

Arnold, Martin. The Vikings: Culture and Conquest. London: Hambledon Continuum, 2006.

Brent, Peter. The Viking Saga. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1975.

Chapman, Paul H. The Norse Discovery of America. Atlanta: One Candle Press, 1981.

Forte, Angelo, Richard Oram, and Frederick Pedersen. Viking Empires. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 2005.

Hall, Richard. The World of the Vikings. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2007.

Ingstad, Helge. The Viking Discovery of America: The Evacuation of a Norse Settlement in

L’Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland. St. John’s:Breakwater Books, 2000

Logan, Donald F. The Vikings in History. Totowa: Barnes & Noble, 1983.

Wahlgren, Erik. The Vikings and America. London: Thames & Hudson, 1986.

Wallace, Birgitta Linderoth. “L’Anse aux Meadows and Vinland: An Abandoned Experiment.”

In Contact, Continuity, and Collapse: The Norse Colonization of the North Atlantic, edited by James H. Barrett, 207–238. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003.

---. “The Vikings in North America: Myth and Reality.” Public lecture presented at Memorial

University of Newfoundland, Saint John’s, Canada, February 9, 1989.


[1] Paul H. Chapman, The Norse Discovery of America, (Atlanta: One Candle Press, 1981), 64.

[2] Anonymous. “The Norse Discovery of Vinland,” in The Viking Age: A Reader, ed. Angus A. Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 350-54. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 350.

[3] Anonymous, “The Norse Discovery of Vinland,” 350-351.

[4] Martin Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2006), 207.

[5] Richard Hall, The World of the Vikings, (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2007), 160.

[6] Chapman, The Norse Discovery of America, 16.

[7] Anonymous, “The Norse Discovery of Vinland,” 352.

[8] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 208.

[9] Anonymous, “The Norse Discovery of Vinland,” 352.

[10] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 208.

[11] Anonymous, “The Norse Discovery of Vinland,” 353.

[12] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 210.

[13] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 210.

[14] Hall, The World of the Vikings, 160.

[15] Hall, The World of the Vikings, 161.

[16] Birgitta Linderoth Wallace, “L’Anse aux Meadows and Vinland: An Abandoned Experiment,” in Contact, Continuity, and Collapse: The Norse Colonization of the North Atlantic, ed. James H. Barrett, 207–238, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 226.

[17] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 230.

[18] Erik Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, (London: Thames & Hudson, 1986), 131.

[19] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 215.

[20] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 208.

[21] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 208.

[22] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 208.

[23] Chapman, The Norse Discovery of America, 18.

[24] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 210.

[25] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 219.

[26] Chapman, The Norse Discovery of America, 35.

[27] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 211.

[28] Anonymous. “Thorvald explores Vinland,” in The Vinland Sagas: The Norse Discovery of America, ed. Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, 59-61, (Middlesex: Penguin, 1965), 60.

[29] Penguin, “Thorvald explores Vinland, 60-61.

[30] Anonymous. “Thorstein Eiriksson dies,” in The Vinland Sagas: The Norse Discovery of

America, edited by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, 61-64, (Middlesex: Penguin, 1965), 61-63.

[31] Anonymous. “Thorfinn Karlsefni in Vinland,” in The Viking Age: A Reader, ed. by Angus A. Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 355-57. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 355.

[32] Donald F. Logan, The Vikings in History, (Totowa: Barnes & Noble, 1983), 90.

[33] Anonymous, “Thorfinn Karlsefni in Vinland,” 355.

[34] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 216.

[35] Chapman, The Norse Discovery of America, 54.

[36] Logan, The Vikings in History, 90.

[37] Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 11.

[38] Peter Brent, The Viking Saga, (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1975), 202-204.

[39] Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 87.

[40] Chapman, The Norse Discovery of America, 18.

[41] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 233.

[42] Hall, The World of the Vikings, 161.

[43] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 216.

[44] Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 16.

[45] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 231.

[46] Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 16.

[47] Anonymous “Thorfinn Karlsefni in Vinland,” 356.

[48] Anonymous. “The Skraelings attack,” in The Vinland Sagas: The Norse Discovery of America, edited by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Pálsson, 99-101, (Middlesex: Penguin, 1965), 99.

[49] Anonymous, “Thorfinn Karlsefni in Vinland,” 356-357.

[50] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 212.

[51] Penguin, “The Skraelings attack,” 99-100.

[52] Anonymous, “Thorfinn Karlsefni in Vinland,” 357.

[53] Anonymous, “The Norse Discovery of Vinland,” 353.

[54] Arnold, The Vikings: Culture and Conquest, 209.

[55] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 213.

[56] Adam of Bremen. “Adam of Bremen on Vinland,” in The Viking Age: A Reader, ed. Angus Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 349-50, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 349.

[57] Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 87.

[58] Anonymous. “The Prowess of Freydis, Daughter of Eirik the Red,” in The Viking Age: A Reader, ed. Angus A. Somerville and R. Andrew McDonald, 133–35. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 134.

[59] Birgitta Linderoth Wallace, “The Vikings in North America: Myth and Reality,” Public lecture presented at Memorial University of Newfoundland, Saint John’s, Canada, February 9, 1989, 7.

[60] Angelo Forte, Richard Oram, and Frederick Pedersen, Viking Empires, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 323-324.

[61] Anonymous, “The Prowess of Freydis, Daughter of Eirik the Red,” 134.

[62] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 232.

[63] Hall, The World of the Vikings, 161.

[64] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 227.

[65] Wallace, “An Abandoned Experiment,” 215.

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Lee Cloak 19 months ago

Great to read about another aspect to the Viking world, a really great read, thanks for sharing you knowledge, voted up, best of luck to you, Lee

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