From Apartheid to Barbarism: Backwards Ever, Forward Never - "Black" Predatory Rulers and the Extinction of Africans

Afrika's Flag Map...

African press Review
African press Review
Corn is the main staple in South Africa and this failure is destroying many lives. Monsanto's genetically manipulated corn(maize) failed to produce hardly any seeds- Monsanto says that this was caused by "underfertilization processes in the Lab"!!
Corn is the main staple in South Africa and this failure is destroying many lives. Monsanto's genetically manipulated corn(maize) failed to produce hardly any seeds- Monsanto says that this was caused by "underfertilization processes in the Lab"!!
Some of the Shacks now one can find in South Africa, Soweto, Today
Some of the Shacks now one can find in South Africa, Soweto, Today
Kliptown Shantytown in Soweto *
Kliptown Shantytown in Soweto *
Many poor South Africans still live in Shacks, and these are the updated-type, but they are still shacks, made of corrugated iron
Many poor South Africans still live in Shacks, and these are the updated-type, but they are still shacks, made of corrugated iron
RDP houses that are being built by the ANC in place of shacks; the residents are complaining that the houses are crumbling down on the,
RDP houses that are being built by the ANC in place of shacks; the residents are complaining that the houses are crumbling down on the,
Mirriam Mazibuko watring her garden in an RDP houseZone 8, Far East Alexandra; It has one room, and she has four children who cannot live with, and they live with Relatives in Johannesburg.
Mirriam Mazibuko watring her garden in an RDP houseZone 8, Far East Alexandra; It has one room, and she has four children who cannot live with, and they live with Relatives in Johannesburg.
Monsatto: In your Local Food Store ow
Monsatto: In your Local Food Store ow
Monsanto: True to its creed and aim, worldwide
Monsanto: True to its creed and aim, worldwide
FAO Food Price Index
FAO Food Price Index
Lest we forget.... Aluta Kontinua- The Strugglemontinues...
Lest we forget.... Aluta Kontinua- The Strugglemontinues...
The Gap between Rich and Poor widening is not good as shown and stated on this graph
The Gap between Rich and Poor widening is not good as shown and stated on this graph
The Days when the ANC was one with the African people
The Days when the ANC was one with the African people
Oliver Tambo
Oliver Tambo
Doris Nyembe - ANC Women's Stalwards
Doris Nyembe - ANC Women's Stalwards
The Days of slogans, and pro-ANC Graffiti
The Days of slogans, and pro-ANC Graffiti
Those who gave their lives for the Poor and still suffering people of South Africa- They should not be forgotten, for their deeds and giving up their live for Freedom
Those who gave their lives for the Poor and still suffering people of South Africa- They should not be forgotten, for their deeds and giving up their live for Freedom
Social media landscape which is wholly responsible for the Revolutions witnessed today in North Africa and the Middle East
Social media landscape which is wholly responsible for the Revolutions witnessed today in North Africa and the Middle East
International Media Companies
International Media Companies
Social media connection points
Social media connection points
One of the Seven Media Giants
One of the Seven Media Giants
AOL Logo
AOL Logo
Disney Interactive Media
Disney Interactive Media
Vivendi Entertainment Logo
Vivendi Entertainment Logo
News Corp and its Subsidiaries
News Corp and its Subsidiaries
German Media giant Bertelsmann sells U.S. Book Clubs
German Media giant Bertelsmann sells U.S. Book Clubs
Viacom One of the New Media Multi-corporations
Viacom One of the New Media Multi-corporations
SONY logo
SONY logo
Abahlali basMjondolo and other Shantytowns protesters display their disgruntlement with the ANC with Shantowns as their backdrop and mise en scene
Abahlali basMjondolo and other Shantytowns protesters display their disgruntlement with the ANC with Shantowns as their backdrop and mise en scene
Forced Removal of Midvaal shack dwellers to make way and land for Big International Capital and Big Local Investors
Forced Removal of Midvaal shack dwellers to make way and land for Big International Capital and Big Local Investors
Mr. Ntlantla Vilakazi who has is being forded off his land for a fee of R20,000 AND AN RDP HOUSE
Mr. Ntlantla Vilakazi who has is being forded off his land for a fee of R20,000 AND AN RDP HOUSE
Demonstrations against Forced Removals during the present rule of an ANC-led government, which is in cahoots with DA, on this matter
Demonstrations against Forced Removals during the present rule of an ANC-led government, which is in cahoots with DA, on this matter
Demonstrators against Shacks, lack of housing and their aim to deny the ANC votes due to lack of delivery  of social and other services
Demonstrators against Shacks, lack of housing and their aim to deny the ANC votes due to lack of delivery of social and other services
Abahlali baseMjondolo in a demonstration mode against the housing and land policies of the ANC
Abahlali baseMjondolo in a demonstration mode against the housing and land policies of the ANC
The South African police, under ANC rule, beat up and attacked women and children also men demonstrators and left most injured
The South African police, under ANC rule, beat up and attacked women and children also men demonstrators and left most injured
South Africa is said to be a Rainbow Nation, but has a highly polarized electorate
South Africa is said to be a Rainbow Nation, but has a highly polarized electorate
Winie says that ANC's vision is becomming blurred and tinted. Whe we have a system that supports cadre deployment and not national interest, then we have a big problem. ...seen here salutes the crowds in the stadium May  Day Rally in Atteridgeville
Winie says that ANC's vision is becoming blurred and tinted. Whe we have a system that supports cadre deployment and not national interest, then we have a big problem. ...seen here salutes the crowds in the stadium May Day Rally in Atteridgeville
A street in a Shantytown, in Soweto, and could be readily be found in ll shacks throughout South Africa
A street in a Shantytown, in Soweto, and could be readily be found in ll shacks throughout South Africa
A rooftop view of some of the shanties in South Africa - Kliptown
A rooftop view of some of the shanties in South Africa - Kliptown
Shantytown Color Graffiti
Shantytown Color Graffiti
The Freedom Charter was the statement of core principles of the South African Alliance consisting of the African National Congress, S.A. Indian Congress characterized by its opening gambit: "The People Shall Govern".
The Freedom Charter was the statement of core principles of the South African Alliance consisting of the African National Congress, S.A. Indian Congress characterized by its opening gambit: "The People Shall Govern".
Malnutrition, poverty or HIV/AIDS is also attacking Whites in south Africa/ although Africa suffer disproportionality from all the social ills of Today's South Africa
Malnutrition, poverty or HIV/AIDS is also attacking Whites in south Africa/ although Africa suffer disproportionality from all the social ills of Today's South Africa
Tough times for White Squatters in South Africa
Tough times for White Squatters in South Africa
Poor Whites, in South Africa, lining up for some food
Poor Whites, in South Africa, lining up for some food
Living in Tin shacks, these are some of the poor Whites in south Africa
Living in Tin shacks, these are some of the poor Whites in south Africa
Poor Whites now live in White Squatter Camps
Poor Whites now live in White Squatter Camps
Afrikaner Community suffers economic Hardship In squatter Camp
Afrikaner Community suffers economic Hardship In squatter Camp
Mara Udwesthuizen, 64, sits outside her tent home at a squatter camp for poor White south African at Coronation Park in Krugersdorp
Mara Udwesthuizen, 64, sits outside her tent home at a squatter camp for poor White south African at Coronation Park in Krugersdorp
Steven Bantu Biko, The Revolutionary , leader and thinker
Steven Bantu Biko, The Revolutionary , leader and thinker
Residents in Sicelo Township, Midvaal, cast their votes, being marked with the blue ink so's not to repeat voting
Residents in Sicelo Township, Midvaal, cast their votes, being marked with the blue ink so's not to repeat voting
Mandela casting his vote at home assisted by his grand daughter, Ndleka Mandela, and the IEC President Officer Mr. Mshali,in his home in Houghton, Johannesburg.
Mandela casting his vote at home assisted by his granddaughter, Ndleka Mandela, and the IEC President Officer Mr. Mshali,in his home in Houghton, Johannesburg.
Elections 2001; the day elections turned into evictions for some in Mitchells Plain and in Khayeleitsha in Cape Town- Helen Zille's backyard
Elections 2001; the day elections turned into evictions for some in Mitchells Plain and in Khayeleitsha in Cape Town- Helen Zille's backyard
Helen Zille(Leader of the DA) votes on Wednesday
Helen Zille(Leader of the DA) votes on Wednesday
Toilet tenders stink because the people they were built for complain that they were left as seen on this picture. These are the unclosed toilets in Rammulotsi, near Viljoenskroon in tthe Free State, South Africa
Toilet tenders stink because the people they were built for complain that they were left as seen on this picture. These are the unclosed toilets in Rammulotsi, near Viljoenskroon in the Free State, South Africa
This picture shows how the country's poor Africans have become a potent symbol of local government neglect. Both ANC and DA are responsible for this shameful delivery of basic human services such as installing proper function toilets for the 'voters'
This picture shows how the country's poor Africans have become a potent symbol of local government neglect. Both ANC and DA are responsible for this shameful delivery of basic human services such as installing proper function toilets for the 'voters'
An unclosed toilet in Makhaza, Khayelitsha, Cape Town
An unclosed toilet in Makhaza, Khayelitsha, Cape Town
People wait in long queues to vote in Khayelitsha, where a court judgement three weeks ago slammed the DA for erecting unenclosed toilets, as seen in the picture above
People wait in long queues to vote in Khayelitsha, where a court judgement three weeks ago slammed the DA for erecting unenclosed toilets, as seen in the picture above
Anti-eviction forces, accompanied by the police, invaded the community of Hangberg to demolish poor people's homes
Anti-eviction forces, accompanied by the police, invaded the community of Hangberg to demolish poor people's homes
Human Rights violations by South African police officers under direct orders from the Premiere, Helen Zille
Human Rights violations by South African police officers under direct orders from the Premiere, Helen Zille
Angry Hangberg residents in Hout Bay have accused Premier Helen Zille of declaring Martial Law and using brute force to evict them from their homes
Angry Hangberg residents in Hout Bay have accused Premier Helen Zille of declaring Martial Law and using brute force to evict them from their homes
An analysis of What's happening in Hangberg, Hout Bay, South Africa
An analysis of What's happening in Hangberg, Hout Bay, South Africa
Real threat in Hangberg is marginalization of the most vulnerable in our society
Real threat in Hangberg is marginalization of the most vulnerable in our society
Randal Adonis: Shot in the mouth at point blank range by Hellen Zille's metro police
Randal Adonis: Shot in the mouth at point blank range by Hellen Zille's metro police
Another victim who lost an eyes, Auriol Cloete, and told of other four people whom the police had taken they eyes from them and apparently these people did nothing to suffer such a costly fate
Another victim who lost an eyes, Auriol Cloete, and told of other four people whom the police had taken they eyes from them and apparently these people did nothing to suffer such a costly fate
This is how Helen Zille helps the citizens of Hangberg. Delon Egypt, 22 year old resident of Hangberg, Hout Bay, had his left eye shot out by the police whilst on his way to buy bread
This is how Helen Zille helps the citizens of Hangberg. Delon Egypt, 22 year old resident of Hangberg, Hout Bay, had his left eye shot out by the police whilst on his way to buy bread
This 40-year=old fisher and his three friend found themselves at Groote Schuur hospitals blinded by a rubber bullet fired by the police. He keeps the bullet in a jar on top of his television set
This 40-year=old fisher and his three friend found themselves at Groote Schuur hospitals blinded by a rubber bullet fired by the police. He keeps the bullet in a jar on top of his television set
Rocks and bricks lie inside a house in Chiawelo, Soweto, which belongs to a former ward councillor. The house was stoned and her car was burned by an enraged mob who do not want metered electricity boxes in their houses
Rocks and bricks lie inside a house in Chiawelo, Soweto, which belongs to a former ward councillor. The house was stoned and her car was burned by an enraged mob who do not want metered electricity boxes in their houses
Angry Chiawelo residents protesting outside Moroka Police Station in Soweto After two houses belonging to the councillor and form councillor of Chiawelo were burnt down by angry Chiawelo residents
Angry Chiawelo residents protesting outside Moroka Police Station in Soweto After two houses belonging to the councillor and form councillor of Chiawelo were burnt down by angry Chiawelo residents
Angry residents, protesting against pre-paid electricity meters and service-delivery problems in the area, set fire to the houses of the current former councillors of Chiawelo
Angry residents, protesting against pre-paid electricity meters and service-delivery problems in the area, set fire to the houses of the current former councillors of Chiawelo
Petrol stations in Johannesburg are already running dry as the strike advances to its third day. Engen Garage Langlaagte is the first to be hit hard by it
Petrol stations in Johannesburg are already running dry as the strike advances to its third day. Engen Garage Langlaagte is the first to be hit hard by it
National Union Metalworkers strikers in Durban. Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi told them this was just the start of Industrial Protest
National Union Metalworkers strikers in Durban. Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi told them this was just the start of Industrial Protest
Cars que at a filling station in Johannesburg. The national strike has cut supplies to many filling stations
Cars que at a filling station in Johannesburg. The national strike has cut supplies to many filling stations
Construction workers watch strikers march through Johannesburg. Economists are warning of a global double-dip recession and say unions aren't helping SA lure foreign investment
Construction workers watch strikers march through Johannesburg. Economists are warning of a global double-dip recession and say unions aren't helping SA lure foreign investment
African countries affected by AIDs and South Africa leads all
African countries affected by AIDs and South Africa leads all
Africans in South Africa spoiling for a fight and demonstrating the present-day inequities. South Africa is sliding downhill while the rest of the continent is s lawing its way up
Africans in South Africa spoiling for a fight and demonstrating the present-day inequities. South Africa is sliding downhill while the rest of the continent is s lawing its way up
The Young Africans of South Africa are now restless, ignored and lack direction form their leaders and elders-confused and are overwhelmingly miseducated-as in Model C school and poor township schools
The Young Africans of South Africa are now restless, ignored and lack direction form their leaders and elders-confused and are overwhelmingly miseducated-as in Model C school and poor township schools

The Creation of the Gendarme-Predatory Government

I tell the TRUTH not to convince those who do not know it, but to defend those that do - William Blake

Those who know the truth are the ones who are living and dying because of less of the truth about their existence and repressed harsh realities embedded within the South African African mosaic. This is a Hub about the African South Africans today in South Africa and their trials and tribulations in the "rainbow" government. Anyone can read a lot of written accounts about Africans in South Africa, and it s also important to write About Africans South Africans as they would write about themselves and the situation they find themselves in.

The Internet has provided many laymen and professionals, in the arts, politics, society, religions, economy and what-have-you, an opportunity to tabulate their impressions about a people they live with for couple of years, months, weeks days or hours and in the end they instantly become "experts" on African South Africans. The leaders of the Africans in South Africa are drooling and eagerly waiting anyone who can present them with an idea or whatever, so that they can eventually cash-in on the project and so on it goes-it does not matter how that effects and affects the African people, up to the moment of the writing of this Hub.

There is a tendency to overlook what Africans in South Africa had to undergo and are presently going through and , instead, much focus is given to what is called South Africans being Xenophobic, or that African South Africans are not serious with what they have in their country to better themselves; African South Africans are seen and viewed as lazy,stupid, inept and clueless as to what to do with their wealth, natural minerals, land, housing, business and so forth, by other Africans, if not the majority of those in the country legally or illegally.

And, many Europeans and other world ethnic groups; and the detractors of Africans in South Africa do not wonder why the ANC is much more harsher on the locals than on any other people in the country-they have to be the best slave-drivers and impress their donors and sponsors that they are reliable.There is a convenient loss of historical memory in regards to what Apartheid has done to Africans in South Africa, and what those effects in effect were - and how the impact of those is and has affected Africans in South Africa, today, as we speak.

Also, what is currently happening to Africans in South Africa under their newly elected African ANC-led government, is abominable; and this article is an in-depth look into whence this mistreatment of the Africans in South Africa by the ANC seemed to originate from [an extended look at the treatment of those in the ANC in exile who criticized the leadership and wanted true Democracy and what had befallen them will be in order within the article].

When Mandela and other ANC members 'trekked' from Pollsmoor prison and walked down into South Africa mainstream and main streets in the 1990s, they found an African South African population which had not yet recovered from the battering rams of apartheid, and facing an increasingly recalcitrant Apartheid regime that still went on years after Mandela took over, viz., night raids, kidnappings, tortures, murder, poverty, environmental Apartheid along with economical apartheid, and the whole bit.

I have already written extensive Hubs of Apartheid Rule, Laws, Murders and so forth rather than repeat them here, I will only touch on them to make my point much more clearer and succinct as it relates to the present-day government and what it is doing with, for and to African South Africans during and post-Apartheid South Africa. I will also try to explore the past 18 years of ANC rule showing how and why they are in cahoots with their old 'supposed' enemies - Afrikaner businessmen, security army and politicians and Imperial monied interests. In essence, the mistreatment of Africans by the Apartheid regime has been tabulated in my Hubs, extensively, and a new understanding of the predatory-stance and moorings and economical and political leanings of the ANC-led government will be delineated and highlighted in this Hub.

This hub will explore the theories and realities of oppression, their affects and outcomes and how these manifest themselves on the oppressed and underdeveloped African population in South Africa-i.e., from the Dark days of Apartheidom to the present ANC-led dysfunctional governance. This is not an attack on any organization but the shedding of light on some unseemly shenanigans of those wielding policy and political power[specifically], exposing their Mafia-like hooliganism and in the process showing through historical facts from psycho-history, how these are perpetrated, meanwhile use of African historiography and attempt to demonstrate and clarify as to why African South Africans are in this present predicament: that of rapid and heightened underdevelopment and degradation and oppression.

The entrance of the ANC into leadership and governance needs to be put into a much more clearer perspective than has heretofore been attempted. This will enable us to have a proper fix and view how these machinations of fear, fantasies, delusion and so forth come into play in adding up to the complete misery of African people/some poor Whites in South Africa are now sharing in these social maladies Africans have been experiencing and still experiencing under the 'potentate Benzies' parading as 'elected' and 'legitimate' rulers, yet, through these actions, these predatory leaders have come to affect and effect the powerless, poverty stricken and poor Africans and as stated, and some Whites.

By revealing the innards of the ANC-led government and how it is ruling over South African Africans, and how their cavorting with Imperial Big Capital, we get to see how it has come to affect and effect poor Africans, effectively making their rule be to the detriment of the poor African masses, will be investigated and interrogated, analyzed and deconstructed in this Hub.

Article such as this one are written with African South Africans in mind. That is, they are written and fill up a void wherein and whereby Africans are not yet in a position to wrap their heads around all the forces and shenanigans allayed and arrayed against them within South Africa; nor are able to write about the daily and deteriorating life conditions in their midst. This article covers various trails, trials and tribulations through which Africans are now facing extinction from a myriad sources which are still yet to be linked together to show how and why this is being achieved or engineered, and what the effects and affects are on the poor people they are intended for.

A lot of people know and have read about South Africa to date. Still, many overnight analysts and the detractors of African South Africans, are people who 'really' do not know anything about what these Africans had to go through during Apartheid, and are going through under the ANC-led government, that, they clog the Web with all sorts of half-truths, misinformation, disinformation, mediocre information and confusing data, unable to pinpoint the players in the field nor those forces arrayed against the ravaged victims of Apartheid,-wiped-out by AIDS and all the vicissitudes that engulf their existence: African South Africans and poor Whites.

Scott Manwarring writes: "Political parties are important agencies in making democracies work. In most advanced democratic polities, they supply the main channels for rendering executives accountable and representing public concerns. Studies of democratic consolidation have revived academic interest in the evolution of party systems in developing countries. Stable democracies depend on well-institutionalized party systems in which "rules and regularities in how parties compete, are widely observed".

"Such systems depend upon the existence of organizations with firm social followings, ideological predictability, good connections with interest groups, and possessing their own corporate identity, independent of the personalities at their helm. In a a fully developed party system, parties rather than independent individuals contest elections, the same parties compete in elections nation-wide and win the majority of votes ) as opposed to regional groups receiving the greater share of votes), and these parties persist from one election to another."

Strong democracies, then, benefit from strong parties. What distinguishes strong parties from weak organizations? Strong parties attract committed and durable support. They are well organized "when there is effective communication concerning party matters across different levels"(Pradeep Chhibber), and, if strength is to be equated with democratic criteria, when communication can occur between units at the same level of party organization.

One influential authority suggests that the key indications of party strength are when an organization can survive its charismatic founder, when it has organizational complexity and depth as well as links with functional associations (trade unions, student bodies, etc.), and when its activists identify with the party emotionally and morally rather than merely viewing the party as an instrument to achieve career advancement or other objectives.

A good sign of this latter quality is of the party can retain within its full time bureaucracy talented leaders when its officials are in government(Samuel Huntington). There is a dire need for theory that helps African South African stitch together their reality, today, with their past.The theory in this instance is identifying and crystalizing the road markers that enhance the understanding of the present reality that Africans need to deal with and apply to their day-to-day realities and existence.

Kay Lawson writes: "Competitive democracies require that more than one political organization shares many if not all of these characteristics. In predominant party systems, that is, political environments in which a major party competes for office with much smaller ineffectual groups, once in power over time, the main party is likely to lose many of its attributes of strength. Successive overwhelming electoral victories reduce the importance of the party's activists and hence the influence of membership over leaders" (Kay Lawson).

It is important to note that the strength of the ANC is weakened by their poor rendering of services in the African communities. Bond and Mayekiso write: "The deterioration of municipal services and declining standards of infrastructure have become commonplace in post-Apartheid South Africa and housing has become a policy farce. All of this is not because South Africa is under "Black rule," as many conservatives would have it, but on the contrary, because of a combination of factors reinforcing residual White power remain.

These factors are evident in the profoundly anti-redistributive, market-orientated policies on municipal services designed in the late 1994 by the World Bank and inexplicably adopted by the Reconstruction and Development Program (Or RDP) office in 1995 and Department of Constitutional Development (DCD) in 1996 once the RDP office was closed and local infrastructure became DCD's responsibility. Once again, the ANC outsourced local market-orientated processes to the World Bank, among the many other conglomerates.

It is worth noting that the Freedom Charter, conceived and launched by the ANC in Kliptown in the late fifties, had certain guarantees embedded and enshrined in it that housing and equal rights will be observed. We will look at this in a somewhat in-depth way below. When the ANC came to power, the black masses were allowed to move to the cities, where they thought the homes and jobs they had been promised by the ANC would quickly appear, but they were in the main used by the ANC to populate areas where their votes could ensure the Whites were unable to represent their old constituencies; this helped spur the building of shantytowns which too will be covered below.

Now, the cities are overcrowded with unhealthy shacks, many criminals who are bitter that there was no work. Previously, under Apartheid, squatting was not allowed, so many Africans lived on their own lands with adequate food and cheap Africa style housing; in other cases, the denial of squatting by the Apartheid overlords saw to the creation and development of shantytowns throughout the South African Landscape.

Parties in office, both on pre-dominant party systems or in more competitive contexts, may be more or less vulnerable to these kinds of degeneration, though. Obviously the degree to which political patronage is institutionalized is one important factor in encouraging or retarding the emergence of personal factionalism. Factionalism cans also be the product of particular electoral systems, those that allow intra-party candidate preference voting for example(Mainwarring/Scully).

Strong control of the party by its parliamentary and government leaders, as in India in 1950s, can turn the party into an organization completely preoccupied with the struggle for public positions, and this too can generate a high degree of intra party conflict( Chhibber) This can be observed too in South Africa, today). The blurring of state party boundaries can be especially dangerous in a context in which the identity of party supporters is especially fixed along lines of social cleavage because the stakes in electoral competition become very high indeed as they do if the main parties perceive their role as that of a hegemonic movement with an epochal transformational mission.

Such groups are less likely to recognize the legitimacy of their opponents and to understand rules ad procedures as representing principles rather than mere instruments to facilitate their hold on power. Hegemonic parties are absolutist (rather than relativist or secular) in ideological orientation, their mission is to build a more advanced social order and "the party is the highest political value including state, nation, family or any other social group"(Leiserson).

Hegemonic parties often mobilize around powerful collective identities rather structured organization and affect a plebiscitarian leadership style that emphases direct linkages between governors and citizens in place of the conventions of representative democracy"Mainwarring/Scully)

The emphasis in this brief discussion in the characteristics of one party predominant democracy is prompted by the frequency of references to post 1994 South Africa politics as a dominant party system(Giliomee/Simkins) The ANC's penchant for hegemony has has tailored itself for such type of democracy that is absolutist. The lack of recognition and respect for democracy by the ANC will be explored in full below in the article.

It is also advisable to pay attention to the speech given by George Washington in 1796, where from I will cite a few lines that are relevant to the discourse above.

  • Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests
  • Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion , it is essential that public opinions should be enlightened
  • With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature as its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistently which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes

Washington's Farewell speech is something that needs to be studied and in it one will find some usable anecdotes as to nation-building, economic expansion ideas, international affairs and diplomacy and how to network within and amongst the voting polity and various different ethnic groups (although he did not specifically talk about the Indians and Africans in that mosaic). Having discussed that, I now turn onto the ANC and how it morphed from exile into South Africa and what happened and what it all means.

The ANC Makeover

"It is quite saddening to learn that our people continue to be self centered about wealth in this country," wrote Sipho. "Who wants to lead this country to prosperity for all? Was it the old man himself? Because for now no one seems interested in leading poor people, because everyone who has power wants to lead their families and friends to richness and eventually pretend to be loving everyone while they know very well that they are interested in themselves and the riches that come with such office. When will such criminality end? How? The community at large needs to open eyes and stand together in fighting such a scourge.

We can start by not voting in everyone who smells corruption. We should not be taken away by their luxuries during election campaigns, because it is propaganda and not sincere election campaigns. They know that that they are only canvassing to be in positions and forget about us after the elections because they will be pre-occupied with corruption instead of service delivery. It is better to stand on the fence than voting someone who will forget about you and remember their friends and hangers-on and families.

We need to to do away with Nepotism and Cronyism. Africa, wake up and defend yourself from this Wolfpack and Vultures as well as Predators." This themes runs the throughout the gamut this Hub and will be revamped at various times within the article. One thing that the ANC does is to consult with their past masters as to how to rule, or, they follow the advice of Imperial and local capital in ruling South Africa. The present local elections are a carbon copy of actions and events as stated above by Sipho.

What was Sipho commenting about? Sipho was commenting on a banned article written on October 24, 2010 by Gcwalisile Khanyile shortly titled "Exposed: Police Rot". The Sunday Independent, on Friday said it will take the North Gauteng ruling, preventing it from publishing an article on alleged police nepotism, lying down. The Minister of police, National Commissioner Divisional Commissioner of crime intelligence brought an urgent application before the high court to stop the newspaper from publishing any information about appointments within the Crime Intelligence Division.

It took judge Ephraim Makgoba just minutes to rule on the application in the absence of the publication' legal council. The ruling means that Sunday Independent may not publish follow-up article delving into alleged nepotism within the police ranks. Cosmas Desmond, an eloquent voice of the homeless and landless, having suffered arrest arrest and banning by the regime, and keeps on infuriating the presently ANC-led government, wisely states that: "The ANC was in exile for so long, it was willing to accept power at any price. It is considered blasphemous to say so, but Mandela seemed never to spell out a vision for South Africa, not like a Nehru or a Cabral.

There is no political philosophy: it's like candy floss, all sweet and fluffy and lovely with a spurious notion of 'reconciliation' between those with nothing and those with everything. The people who were the power behind Apartheid, the great corporations like Anglo American, are still here, undiminished." The ANC-led government has been toying around with the idea of creating a media censorship law in order to curb excess reporting on the corrupt shenanigans perpetrated by the ANC and its cronies and minions through looting , murder and lies. The ANC has no compunction not to listen to the will of its polity, voters and supporters. We now look as to when did the ANC begin to change its spots.

Before F.W. de Klerk announced the unbanning of the of the ANC and Mandela's release on February 2 1990, he and the white establishment had reached a kind of gentlemen's agreement with the ANC, following secret meetings, that accommodated the fears of the old order and the demands of the international community. Former President Mbeki, Mandela's successor and one of the transition negotiators said that the ANC had no choice at all but to accept a series of "historic compromises".

He said that they could not disturb the surface, otherwise there would have been a bloodbath and great suffering across the land. The British, the Americans and the World Bank made it clear that South Africa would be welcomed into the "global economy" on condition that the ANC's new government pursued orthodox, neo-liberal" policies that favored big business, foreign investors, deregulation, privatization and, at best, a "trickle down" to the majority who effectively were to be shut out of the economy(thus far, nothing has tricked-down to the poor and landless in South Africa).

They also had to promise that they will not encourage nor carry-out violence against the old political and economic order; and this was shown and demonstrated with the hapless and toothless TRC(Truth and Reconciliation Committee). In short, they promised to uphold the old order and let business go on as usual in South Africa. It is important for readers to Look for the DVD or Book called "The confessions of An Economic Hitman". The ANC pledged to continue the economic policies of the past Apartheid regime and they have done so with much zeal and gusto, up to today

In 1991, after barely a year's legal activity, The ANC claimed an organized following of 500,000. Certain recent statements about membership have been considerably more modest. for example. ANC officials told their parliamentary caucus at the beginning of 2002 that the ANC membership stood at 89,000, down from 300,000 in mid 2000"(Drew Forrest). The ANC, in this case was referring to paid-up membership recorded in the new list produced through a process of reconstituting ANC branches.

This number has been gradually coming down because of their voting core was depressed and disgruntled about the way the ANC was ruling over them. And for the past 18-20 years, the ANC has seen a steady growth of intense protest against many of its adopted policies which favor Big Local and International business at the expense of the poor voting masses in South Africa.

It is the 'left leaning' or 'socialists' and the broad majority that are the focus of this point. These groups of interest were expecting that the new ANC "state" would immediately begin to pursue a more socialist, at least radically redistributive political economy. These expectations were built and derived from a mass-based political and socioeconomic struggles that had been waged by unions and community organizations(also supported by more radical NGOs) since the late 90s, alongside the continued socialists rhetoric of the ANC itself (Richard Ballard).

Ballard and Habib put it this way: "As happened so often in newly liberated countries. the euphoria of political transition led many to expect that the need for adversarial struggle with the state was over. Even though the followers of the ANC would were not going to follow a proto-socialist developmental path, the events were coming to a head when the ANC state in 1996 unveiled the Growth, Employment and Redistribution( GEAR), macroeconomic policies.

This rightward shift of the ANC(in terms of the South African Realpolitik landscape and mosaic), the plethora of community civic associations(along with progressive unions) were told to fold up when the ANC took over, and they were expected to become part of the branches of the ANC or join the newly formed and launched South African National Civics Organization(SANCO), which was to become the fourth member of the Tripartite Alliance, and yet, these civic groups were the backbone of the anti-Apartheid struggle of the 1980s.

Meanwhile, the ANC formalized its relations with COSATU, and the SACP by setting up [consultative] structures and drafting key leadership figures into its electoral list for all levels of government. All these were designed to meet and serve the needs of Big local and international capital already embedded and fully operational within South Africa.

Consistent with the sociopolitical thrust of GEAR, the ANC government set about forming national structures to give institutional form to its corporatist commitments. The National Economic, Development & Labor Council(NEDLAC) was formed, in which "civil society" was represented by a "development" chamber (Consisting of chosen non-governmental and community-based organization), a labor component (consisting of recognized union federations), and a corporate component (consisting of representatives from capital and big business).

At the same time, legislation was passed - e.g., the Non-Profit Act of 1997 - and institutions set up like the Directorate of Non-Profit Organizations (which required NGOs and CBOs to register officially with the state), and the National Development Agency ["to direct financial resources to the sector](Ballard). All of this fit comfortably within the ANC government's push for "a more formalized civil society constituency as apart of a developmental model where formally organized groups participate in official structures to claim public resources" and where "the role of such organized groups is constructed along the lines of official governmental programs, without space to contest the fundamentals of those programs. (DaleT.McKinley)

The early sanitization of the traditional and much previously organizationally radical and progressive highly independent groups further reinforced by the post-1994 crisis of funding that confronted the most community organizations and progressive NGOs, which were largely dependent on donor funding, was put into motion. Both foreign and and domestic donors changed radically after the 1994 elections, away from previous commitments to independent grassroots mobilization and struggles, and towards state-directed "developmental" programs - such as the reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) - and state-sponsored social welfare "partnerships" with approved "civil society" organizations.

The dual result was a "development agenda" increasingly driven by state and private (i.e., corporate) donor funding and the death of the vast majority of independent, and in many cases anti-capitalist organizations (Greenberg and Ndlovu) The result and outcome of all these maneuvers was that, whether swallowed by the ANC, absorbed into the Tripartite Alliance structures, hobbled by the co-option of key leaders into the state and associated corporatist institutions, or starved of financial resources, the bottom line was the successful containment of the political and organizational terrain for active and militant resistance to the ANCs creeping neo-liberalism, elite deal-making and wholesale acceptance of the institutionalized framework of bourgeois democracy. In a word, any opposition to the ANC led to institutional, personal or group destabilization and denial of basic services and rights-in some cases torture and outright murder or assassination.

The top honchos within the ANC were cognizant of these discrepancies, that a political reason why membership was so apparently volatile was that in-between the election branches, they often find it difficult to organize interesting activities. [some locals were disgusted at the ANC representatives who came into the townships and told the people to organize games as they used to do as kids and prance about in the street, without preparing the people and funding some positive cultural activities to showcase to the tourists, and the people who never really showed-up in the promised droves, and all this leading to the World cup competition, in Townships like Soweto and so forth, failed dismally]. The same problems that persisted in 2010, were presented as a political report to an annual general meeting of one ANC branch in Soweto is illustrative:

"It is now time to deal with the state of organization. We have met here to examine the ANC. How well it is doing or not ding in so much as Protea Glenn(a new suburb in the fringes of "Deep Soweto") is a working class township with most of its citizens in COSATU unions. Membership of the ANC has always stagnated between a hundred to two hundred ever since the branch's launch in 1992. The support for the organization is (waning) however (because) our people are of the feeling having voted for the ANC there is no reason to then still pay the R12.00 for ANC membership.

The consequence of this inadequate/waning general support (for the ANC) has rendered to some extent the branch executive ineffective in that people attend the AGM where they get elected and soon thereafter disappear, thus creating a leadership vacuum which is increasingly being filled by people who are not astute cadres,[and if they dare become independent from the ANC, are slapped with draconian actions which deny the development of those communities that have elected Independents in place of ANC chosen officials]"

The ANC in South Africa was the first to make a transition whereby a "terrorist", Nelson Mandela, became on of the most loved leaders in the world. The ANC saw itself as fighting a just war against Apartheid repression. It is important also for us to understand that there is a need for legitimacy, inasmuch as there is the query about that legitimacy and how it is obtained are important criteria in the transformation from using violence as a means of achieving authentic liberation and what happens after it has been obtained.

The bit discussed above indicates somewhat and somehow how that legitimacy was gotten: through batter as an underdog with big Capital/Imperialism and Local Rich Potentates. The coming of the ANC into power changed the outlook above to something new. Mandela wrote: "The ANC believed that Africans should work together as a united force to bring about political change and racial equality. It is also true that the ideas of the ANC during Apartheid could not help Africans to prepare themselves for the ANC's eventual take-over."

The Apartheid government saw to that and applied all its resources to preparing themselves for the eventual take-over of the government in South Africa: they did this in their own terms and from a position of power and strength. They(former Apartheid rulers) got into the government of national Unity[conjointly with the ANC] and put in place a sunset clause as to when this partnership would end. The eagerness of the ANC to appease big Capital at all costs invited and received serious criticism from Winnie Mandela.

The point that is always missed is the raw and harsh reality that the Africans face, and are frustrated that they cannot express it as they would like to. In a case like this one, it will be important to appreciate a view of how the dismantling of the Africans spirit and soul, their society, culture and custom was initiated in the later stages of the release of Mandela. If an attempt has been made to wipe-out the past in the collective African conscience, it might not be in the books, or the new emerging media, in its raw and earthy form, but it lives in the- poor African people's hearts and heads, and present historical memory.

Winnie Mandela's View of How Africans were Betrayed

Cut Off the Head, then the Body Won't function

Winnie Mandela has not kept quite in regards to the ANC's vision which she says has 'become blurred and tinted throughout its nearly first two decades of rule'. The relationship of Mandela with her had by then become strained. The rumor in South Africa was that Winnie could not abide or touch him during their two-year attempt to salvage their marriage after his release in 1990. It is postulated that Mandela was willing to forgive her of her past indiscretions or affairs while he was in prison, it had not worked.

What is often no talked about is the attitude of the "exiled" ANC cadre and leaders that had a hand in the distancing and alienating of Winnie, some even aver that the ANC were the ones who pushed the idea of Machell's wife, Graxa, into the life of Madiba. Be that as it may, the changing and making over of the ANC is not a new phenomena, so that, if it was made over as we see it today long before we are where are at now, because it was designed to suit Big Capital and the former bosses of Apartheid and their business partners in the country and overseas.

Nadira Naipul, of the Evening Standard, carried-out this interview Winnie Mandela wherein she accuses Mandela of betraying the African People of South Africa. This is what Winnie told Naipul: "I am not happy the way things had panned-out in South Africa. I kept the Movement(ANC) alive. You have been in the Township. You have seen how bleak it still is. Well, it was here where we flung the first stone. It was here where we shed so much blood. Nothing could be achieved without the sacrifice of the people, African people. The ANC was in exile.

"The entire leadership was on the run or in jail. And there was no one to remind and [comfort] these people, African people, of the horror of their daily reality; when something so abnormal as Apartheid becomes a daily reality, it was our reality. And four generations had lived with it - as non-people." Asked if she was afraid, Winnie replied: "Yes, I was afraid in the beginning, but then there is only so much they can do to you. After that it is only death. They can kill you, as you see, I am still here. I knew that the Apartheid enforcers had done everything in their power to break me.

"They picked me up in the night and placed and me under house arrest in Brandfort, a border town in the Orange Free State Province of South Africa. I spent nine years in this remote outpost, meanwhile, I was recruiting young men for the Party, right under their noses. The only worry or pain I had was of my daughters. I never really knew what was happening to them. I feel that they really suffered in all this. Not me or Mandela. The anguish was unbearable for me as a mother, not knowing how my children coped when they held me in long solitary confinement. Zenani, now 51 and Zindzi, 50, remain much in the background, having no wish to enter politics themselves. Mandela is no longer "accessible" to his daughters and they have to get through much red tape just to speak to their father.

"This name Mandela is an albatross around the necks of my family. You all must realize that Mandela was not the only man who suffered. There are many others, hundreds who languished in prison and died. Many unsung and unknown heroes of the struggle, and there were others in leadership too, like poor Steve Biko, who died of the beatings, horribly all alone. Mandela did go to prison and he went in there as a burning young revolutionary.

"But look what came out. Mandela let us down. He agreed to a bad deal for Africans. Economically we are still on the outside. The economy is very much 'White'. It has a few token Africans, but so many who gave their lives in the struggle have died unrewarded.

"I cannot forgive him for going to receive the Nobel 'Peace Prize i 1993] with his jailer [FW] de Klerk. Hand in hand they went. Do you think de Klerk released him from the goodness of his heart. He had to. The times dictated it, the world had changed, and our struggle was not a flash in the pan, it was bloody to say the least and we had given rivers of bloods. I had kept it alive with every means at my disposal.

"Look at the Truth and Reconciliation (TRC) charade. He(Mandela) should not have never agreed to it. What good does "truth" do? How does it help anyone to know where and how their loved ones were killed or buried? That Bishop Tutu who turned it all into a religious circus talked to me to apologize to Stompie's mother, and I did so. I am not alone. The people of Soweto are still with me. Look what they made him do.

"The great Mandela. He has no control or say anymore. They put a huge statue of him right in the middle of the most affluent "white " area o f Johannesburg. Not here were we spilled our blood and where it all started. Mandela is now a corporate foundation. He is wheeled out globally to collect money and he is content on doing that.

"The ANC have effectively sidelined him, but they keep him as a figurehead for the sake of appearance. It was an economic betrayal, and nothing had changed for Africans, except that Apartheid had officially gone You know, sometimes I think we had not thought it all out. There was no planning from our side. How could we? We were badly educated and the leadership does not acknowledge that. Maybe we have to go back to the drawing board and see where it all went wrong. I am not sorry. I will never be sorry.. I would do everything I did again if I had to, everything! (Winnie Mandela)

Winnie encapsulates and echoes what all African feel and see and are disparaged and discouraged by the way things have been going on so far in their country of birth.

"Winnie's Criticism of ANC Spot On"

Sipho Masombuka reported for the Sowetan Newspaper on May 3, 2011 that Political Analysts have said that ANC veteran "Winnie Madikezela-Mandela was spot on" when she blasted the ruling party for losing touch with the masses during the May Day rally in Atteridgeville, Pretoria at the Weekend. She said the ANC's vision was "becoming burred or tainted". She said the country-wide protests were consequences of a dream deferred, adding that the protests over the ANC candidate lists was a manifestation that the ANC had deviated from the Freedom Charter's declaration that "The people shall govern (further down in the article I briefly deal with the declarations of the Freedom Charter). The countrywide demonstrations we see are of a dream deferred, adding that the protest are the people's expression of impatience with the socio-economic conditions that have been visited on them daily basis. Winnie goes on: "Instead of dealing with these realities, we have succumbed to the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. This is a manifestation of the political crisis. People are refusing to remain victims of broken promises and that the shadow of disappointment was written on their faces. . The behavior of ANC leaders, from President Jacob Zuma down to our councillors, were out of touch with the masses." Some see Winnie's speech was not meant to destroy the ANC, but was a call to society to reflect on the critical role of the [ruling/slave-drivers] party. They do not doubt Winnie's commitment to the ANC, but they know that she will not desist from criticizing the party when she thinks it is doing wrong.(Sipho) Shadrack Gutto echoed Mashele's sentiments and said that Winnie was "spot on" in admitting that the party had failed the masses, and that the ANC had a tendency and problem to be destructive through "cadre deployment". Gutto said service delivery suffers because people are put in positions based on their loyalty to party leadership and not because of the integrity and capabilities, and when we have a system that supports cadre development and not national interest, then we have a big problem. The leaders had to accept that they did not do well, and they should move on to the point where they've to ask the question as to how to correct it. This hub will delve in a much deeper way as to the effects and affects of this careless treatment of their polity below.

Violence Against Africans is Axiomatically Ruled out

Violence against Africans in South Africa took many forms. As Prime Minister, Cecil Rhodes, the great liberal benefactor, encouraged the dispossession of Africans and their "removal" to cheap labor reserves for the gold and diamond mines. Oppenheimer, who ran the Anglo American company, also had beneficent pretensions. While declaring himself an opponent of certain aspects of Apartheid, Harry Oppenheimer's tentacular empire grew rich on the brutal migrant labor system.

In the 1980s, the regime of P.W. Botha was doomed, big business changed its allegiance to that with the ANC, confident that its multinational interests would not be obstructed as they "opened up" the South African economy and that foolish promises about equity and the natural resources belonging to the people(as enshrined in the Freedom Charter), would be abandoned[below I deal briefly with the Freedom Charter and lightly counter as to how it has been abandoned to date] And indeed, they were cast aside when the ANC-led government came into power.

Peter Robbins said, "I think the reason behind the ANC leadership going for the International Monetary Fund approach is because they are ashamed that most of the people [in South Africa] live in the Third World. They do not like to think of themselves as being mostly an African-type economy. So, Economic Apartheid has replaced Legal Economic Apartheid with exactly the same consequences for exactly the same people(victims), yet it is greeted as one of the greatest achievements in world history."

Metcalf further wrote that, "The only benefit of the discredited system we inherited is the opportunities it necessitates for radical change." She described schools "built deliberately without toilets, and with no access to running water within walking distances. For every four teachers, there is only one classroom, and no library, no laboratory, no staff rooms, no desks. What is difficult is that these historic distortions are being addressed in impossible conditions of financial austerity.

In other words, ANC policy has made the provision acceptable for teaching and learning an absolute impossibility; rather than adopt the principles and precepts of the Freedom Charter, they have chosen to openly court Local and Big International capital, in the process ignoring the poor and huddled [minority] White and majority Black poor masses.

An overwhelming majority of the cabals under and controlled by the apartheid regime supported the introduction of television, provided that "effective control was exercised to the 'advantage of our nation and country'. The nerve center of the Apartheid system, possessing no formal authority and therefore at once removed from state machine, can still be probed and exposed as to how, manipulated/controlled machinations effects and affects were on the intended African victims-thus dumbing the poor population of South Africa down.

Based on the theories and studies done by the Broederbond (an 'ubber' and a mammoth and very secret and secretive Afrikaner cabal) on how to carry-out ethnic cleansing of Africans living in the Apartheid created 'group areas" or "homelands." This resulted in millions of men, women and children being dumped, like so much human garbage, on barren stretches of the rural outback.

Overgrown graves, some of them indicated by a simple wooden crosses which have not yet rotted away, or by painted stones, mark the sites of countless premature deaths in places like Dimbaza, Weenan, Morsgat and Soweto's Avalon and Doornkop cemeteries, and so on. The silent accusation from these burial grounds of the discarded, rings louder than words. Nor were there actions flowing from the education policies designed to cripple the minds and talents of generations of students ever been remedied, to date.

They were all carefully considered schemas mapped out by the Afrikaner Broederbond and fed into a system manipulated and often run by the Afrikanse-Weerstanbewiging(AB) members. Yet the records of the AB remained intact; its motto, "Our Strength Lies in Secrecy", was rigorously followed. This ensured that, unlike state records, its history - the history of the system called Apartheid - was never under threat of disclosure.

While the history of Apartheid in some of institutions was erased, burned and incinerated in fire, or wiped from computer files, crushed and shredded so that in the end, when ANC took over, not much of the record of the Apartheid operations remains, and some bit survives in Hubs like those I have written and already published Hubs, and other material that did not get wiped or erased nor incinerated.

Terrorism Unleashed Upon Africans in South Africa 1990s to Beyond 2011

On february 2, 1990, South African State President, F.W. de Klerk lifted a 30-year ban on the African National Congress (ANC). In a speech to parliament in Cape Town, he declared: "The season of violence is over. The time for reconstruction and reconciliation has arrived." (Christopher Wren. 1990). In January 1990, he ordered a landmark investigation into an incident where the police shot 84 protesters in the back. In June 1990, he lifted the national state of emergency except in Natal.

South Arica seemed to be changing at last. Yet, in July and August 1990, seven months after the end of violence was announced, black townships around Johannesburg erupted in warfare. In one horrendous incident that occurred on September 13, 26 were killed and at least 100 injured in an attack on a commuter train between Johannesburg and Soweto. Bodies were strewn along a five mile stretch of track. It was the third terrorist-style attack that week. By the end of 1990, more than 1,000 had died in the area.

The conflict which raged in Natal for several years and which had spread north to the townships near Johannesburg pitied supporters of the ANC against the supporters of the Inkatha movement, which became a political party in 1990. Adherents of these organizations were locked in a cycle of attack and retaliation that was labelled "black on black," "internecine," "factional." and "tribal." warfare (Africa Watch Report)

On the basis of the many interviews with South Africans Africa Watch Report concluded that there is abundant evidence that the Apartheid state was implicated in the past six years of so-called "Black on Black" violence. The bias of the state security forces, who have either intervened or failed to intervene on a selective basis, has fueled the conflict. Despite the pressure for the reform from some elements in the state, the government failed to deal effectively with the violence.

According to SAIRR figures, 1,400 Africans were killed in Natal in 1989.(BB Broadcast, 1990) In 1990, in an area around Durban, more than 1,000 were killed. (The Citizen, 1990) In areas near Johannesburg, the death toll for the period from July 1990 to the year's end was over 1,000. These statistics, do not reveal the magnitude of the tragedy. One must look beyond the numbers to the devastation of lives.

As John Aitchison, from the Center for Adult Education at the university of Natal, has written: "Behind these statistics lie people, people who live and die, who have holes made in them by 137 knife thrusts, who are burnt to death, who are blasted by shotgun blasts, who go to lawyers and appear in court as witnesses and are then gunned down by the people they testified against,... people who are interviewed by journalists, then detained by policemen."

This is what Winnie was talking about, and this is the life and reality faced by the people under Apartheid, and now, it seems that "Post Colonial Mental Disorders have set-in since the ANC-led government took power in South Africa-has merely exacerbated this sordid and oppressive existential reality.

Poverty, lack of education and lack of employment opportunities(which persist to date), amongst the Black population helped to breed a culture of violence(which is still manifest within todays' African peoples existence as was under Apartheid, and still under ANC-led government - see Winnie's critique above).

According to the 1980 figures, Whites, who constituted 15.4 percent of the total population, received 64.9 percent of the total income earned in South Africa. Black South Africans, 73 percent of the population, earned only 24.9 percent of the total income for South Africa. Illiteracy rate for Africans was nearly 30 percent while for Whites, less than 3 percent for Africans. State expenditure per pupil in 1983-84 was over 1,600 rand for White children,over 1,000 rand for Indian children, less than 600 rand for Colored children, and between 200 and 300 for African children(Francis Wilson and Mamphela Ramphele, 1989) The ANC has managed to worsen the situation described above in 18-20 years of their rule.

The Department of Education and Training,which governed national policy for African education, pursued a curriculum whose inferiority is manifest in the frustration experienced by students who are accepted into "white" universities only to find themselves ill-prepared to compete with their White peers. ((Academic Support Program, University of Cape town) The father of the earlier "Bantu Education" program, H.F. Verwoerd, believed that 'education should not prepare Blacks to rise above certain forms of labor, but should encourage subservience'. [This situation has not improved, but has worsened] His premises have been overridden, however, by South Africa's economic and social needs, and the proportion of Black students in English-speaking "White " universities rose substantially. Disruptions in schooling, caused by mass mobilization for involvement in political action and the combined effects of boycotts, stay-aways and protest marches, also took a toll. In most instances, students could no longer study at home because they had to stand guard at night against an attack from the comrades, Inkatha vigilantes or the KwaZulu police(which was in cahoots with and under the sway, pay and control and also armed by the South African Defense Force. (Paulos Zulu/Stavos Stavrou)

An additional frustration for the poor, and a major factor in the outbreak of violence near Johannesburg, was the oscillating migrant labor system. Single-sex hostels, often adjacent to work on the mines, virtually isolated migrant laborers from surrounding township residents. The migrants, whose families lived in distant rural areas, many of them in Zululand, Lesotho and so forth, led a lonely existence, returning to their homes and families only periodically, sometimes once a year. Hostel conditions were cramped(see My other Hubs on Health to have a much clearer picture from the picture gallery), and unsanitary. Soweto's five hostels officially accommodated 13,000 workers, but unofficial estimates of occupancy are at around 39,000. Overall, nearly 125,000 migrants workers lived in the 31 hostels in townships surrounding Johannesburg(John Qwelane, 1990)) These hostel dwellers were armed and encouraged by the regime to fight township people throughout its Apartheid reign.[These hostels have been partly rehabilitated and families have been living in them for some time now.

Political tolerance was the exception in a country where, historically,dissent was met with repression. African South Africans children have grown up witnessing or participating in brutal violence. The trauma Center at the University of the Witwatersrand reported that many children from the townships manifested symptom of post-traumatic stress, such as inability to sleep, nightmares, depression,withdrawal, hyper vigilance and inability to concentrate.

Wilson and Ramphele concluded: "Crime, alcoholism, boredom, frustration with bureaucratic red tape, and despair are ... under conditions of poverty, social dislocation and powerlessness... bitter fruits. Policies of separate development, anti-urbanization, forced removal, Bantu Education, the crushing of organizations, murder, torture, and in recent years, destabilization have been directly responsible for increasing poverty amongst millions....[see my Hub on Apartheid's Genocide on Children].

Indeed, it was precisely this dimension of premeditation or deliberate policy in impoverishing people that made people in South Africa different from so many other parts of the world." With ANC rule in place, the conditions described above have deteriorated and the African people are feeling it more than they did during Apartheid. We will now view the times of both political and economic terrorism from 1994 to this day, below.

Fast-Forward Into the Twenty-Teens

The Goons, Cabals and the Minions of the Hit Squads

What happened in South Africa during the Apartheid era was far more than simply the implementation of Apartheid, in of itself, it was a crime against humanity. Additional criminal means to defend Apartheid were also being used. The extensive powers given to the Apartheid state to control the lives of African South Africans and deny them basic rights were not enough; they were supplemented by every species of common law crime, including systematic and organized murder, fraud, kidnapping, and torture, carried out by goons, minions hit squads and cabals of the the Apartheid regime.

Many of these crimes were, strictly speaking, simple repression, rather than terrorism in the political sense. Their heinousness as crimes was the same, but only in some instance were they carried out, in accordance with the concept of terrorism, in order to intimidate third parties. To be honest, it was sheer and pure terror visited upon the Africans in South Africa.

According to human rights organizations, between 1960 and 1990, seventy three political prisoners were killed in police detention. Official explanations included falling while taking a shower, injuries received from slipping on a piece of soap, fainting and falling against a desk, and falling down the stairs. Some were said to have hanged themselves with shoelaces, jeans, and other assorted clothing.

During the same period, about 220 political leaders were assassinated by Apartheid leaders, and also were assassinated by Apartheid Death Squads. Some inquests showed that members of the security forces were able to subvert justice for many years through almost impenetrable conspiracy conspiracy. At least fifteen thousand people were killed in what the White government said was "black-on-black" violence, murders of this kind had anti-Apartheid groups pushing back and saying that they were sponsored by the government.

Apartheid leaders regarded the fight against their policies as terrorism and viewed Anti-Apartheid activist as terrorists. Anti-Apartheid activists regarded themselves as guerillas of which the ANC was one of them, but dumped that notion once they came into power in South Africa), and they claimed that they were fighting an illegitimate regime, something condoned by international law(as discussed above). For example, Brig. Jack Cronje, a member of the Vlakplaas Unit (see my Hubs on this subject), testified at de Kock's trial that a secret body called counterrevolutionary Intelligence Target Center met monthly to select targets for "elimination," It was necessary to eliminate terrorists and activists, because if they were not eliminated, they would not be permanently neutralized.

The strategy was pro-active, striking before they could commit act of terror," he said. And many people were kidnapped, tortured, disappeared, burnt and so forth that this has had a profound effect on many African communities-their spirits and psyches, and has still not yet been researched very well. This will be discussed and updated to currently at the bottom of this Hub. But its effects are discussed below of the visible effects witnessed on the African people in South African and I have tried to discuss it below.

The ANC and Struggle Against Political Dissent

ANC's Quatro Jail (Number Four Jail)

Even today, with ANC at the helm of power, one notes the chilling effect for those who dare criticize the leadership of the ANC. The critics of this organization better be prepared to face the myriad cabals within the movement/government of the ANC. This was apparent amongst exiles who frequently, in a bellicose way, uttered threats to those who criticized the ANC leadership and the Freedom Charter.

Even today, some 500 plus people have died in various venues and mostly through the hands of the police in South Africa. In order to understand the present ANC-led government's hostilities and shabby handling of the New(18-20 year old and counting) rule, it will be helpful to adivice readers to check an account of the article, "Inside Quatro" by Paul Trewhela in as much a detailed form as possible.

This will shine the light as to why the ANC today, in South Africa, is going against the Freedom, Democracy and the Freedom Charter in oppressing and suppressing Africans in South Africa, but to look much more deeper into the effects of these blockages and maltreatment of Africans, as to whether it really is extinguishing and eliminating the present South African Africans, and if so, how and why.The situation within South Africa for Africans and their new Democracy is not Kosher.

If one wants to understand the operation of the ANC/SACP, the article by Trewhela is a must read. We will not take the liberty of presenting it here for the readers, but will work to get a better understanding of how and why Africans in South Africa today have been subjected development of underdevelopment of their wretched lot, from the days of Apartheidom, to today's Predatory ANC colossus, and the reason for the ANC to deny them their Democracy, The article by Trewhela will give the reader a sense of how and why the ANC denied a democracy to its cadres and murdered them in the process, and buried them in a mass graves, because they were seeking Democracy within the movement-and why today we can see how effiicient the ANC is also comfortable in denying true and full democracies and economic well-being oft its poor Africa/White masses, in all.

Trewhela gives us a view behind the proscenium arch, behind the scenery, where the machinery that runs the show is revealed in its actual workings, in Regards to "Mutiny in the ANC- Quatro 1984". Some people, to date, are still scared to tell what happened lest they be re-arrested, face renewed torture and probably be killed. They are committed to silence by their signing a form. Several others like Leon Mdakeni, Nonhlanhla Makhuba and one known as Mark, committed suicide rather suffer re-arrest at the hands of the KGB-trained guardians in the Quatro Gulag: the ANC Cabal, minions, demagogues and enforcers, who are still operating inside South Africa today. The information for this paragraph will be added in the very near future Hubs in its entirety.

Equal Dis-equlibrium in the Heart of a Democracy

Dismembered Hopes; Shattered Dreams

Above we have seen how Winnie addresses this issue of dreams deferred, destroyed and delayed that have the people feeling very much discouraged. Long before Mandela was released, the old regime had already dismantled the trappings of segregation in South Africa and implemented what became known as "Petty Apartheid". Within the South African government, pressure built up for some kind of change that would gain support of at least a part of the black population against the existing Apartheid structure.

The key to these changes was to preserve the existing structure[Apartheid] and not destroy it]. The solution the government decided upon entailed building up a group of Africans with some stake in the existing system, described, not entirely correctly, as a "black middle class". Apartheid had hitherto blocked the formation of such a group. By law, Africans could not work in skilled jobs, could only own some types of businesses, could not employ whites, and so on. Further, even if they made some money, Africans were limited in what they buy with it. They could not own a house or property in urban areas(which was later changed and came to be known as a 99 years lease towards ownership), in urban areas-especially townships, and they could not get a good education in South Africa, they could not even eat in the best restaurants. The new government policy was aimed at enabling a small number of Africans to prosper; this group would then have reason to ally themselves with the white government against the aspirations of the black community. As Patrick Laurence, the Rand Daily Mail's political correspondent summarized in December 1978:

"The strategy was to woo the black middle class as an ally of the white minority, or, as an Afrikaans newspaper put it, to consolidate the middle class as a bastion against attack on South Africa's free capitalist way of life. The Nationalist Party appropriated the liberal strategy of alliance with the black bourgeoisie and grafted it on to its earlier way of winning over the hearts and minds of the people, chiefs and the headmen through their homelands policy ... The success of the policy was of crucial importance to the future of South Africa for the Apartheidizers.

On it it will depend the extent to which the authorities could win black allies and that, in turn, would determine in what measure the insurgents(ANC) were isolated." They(The ANC), on coming into power in 1994, left intact the most important part, which was and is still economic Apartheid, which is reinforced by the ANC. Mzwanele observes: " I think we are being designed like the United States; divided by class, which generally means race. Since democracy, little has changed. Wealthy white farmers continue to control more than 80% of the land, and their existing property rights are guaranteed in the new Constitution{People or readers should heck-out the Freedom Charter and the New South African Consttitution].

Out of 22,000 land restitution cases, only a handful have been settled. Ramaphosa and others have spoken a great deal about "black empowerment" as a "philosophy"for the new South Africa. What this really means is the inclusion of a small group of black in South Africa's white corporate masonry, which is overseen by the power of five companies dominating the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. This co-option allows foreign and South African companies to use black faces to gain access to the ANC establishment. One new executive stated it this way: "I am the black ham in the white sandwich." This is still true of the newly created African petit-bourgeoisie today in South Africa.

Given that Africans have lost their national consciousness and compass, we find people like Chinweizu writing in the following manner: "Having lost a clear and detailed sense of our identity, we have naturally also our ability to create a point of view of the world strictly our own. With our scrambled sense of reality we have forgotten how to see things in terms of our separate and concrete interests. We behave as if the interest of the West were necessarily our own, as if the western point of view were the one and only valid one. Worse still, we behave as if it were some sort of betrayal to discover and insist on our point of viewing the world. One of the most devastating legacies of our satellization to the West is that our culture has become eccentric.

'Instead of being Afrocentric in our thoughts and actions, we are Eurocentric. What Europe does we automatically assume as the standard we must imitate in order to appear civilized. As a result, we have lost the ability to define ourselves. We gladly accept every ridiculous definition of what we are supposed to be, so long as it is proffered by the West. Without a strong sense of ourselves, we accept whatever the West wants us to believe about our past. We even refuse to define our cultural and political constituency for what it is - Africa, Black Africa. But that is indeed our pan-African constituency, a constituency defined by our separate history, our separate historical situation."

Chinweizu continues to inform us as follows: "Along with our delusions of freedom goes another - the delusion of respectability. We think our participation in the spotlighted drama of international conferences a sign of worth. We think our respectability has something to do with being admitted to the United Nations, or with the customary manners of protocol when even a weak lunatic must be accorded every formal respect lest the strong should feel ridiculous in talking to him. We have to wipe from our eyes all delusions of freedom if we are to see clearly our way to real freedom." (Chinweizu)

We should also pay attention to the fact that large corporate control and monopoly over production and distribution diminishes representative government by limiting the range of productivity, distribution and range of ideas available to citizens. One of the acts taken by the Apartheid regime to wrest the historical realities of Africans, was to work towards wiping it out of the historical memory and conscience of African using various means and will be discussed below. The ANC made sure Africans suffered severe amnesia , delusions of grandeur, fear and so, as a present way of life.

Eradication of the Historical Memory of Africans

South Africa: A Study in Maldevelopment

The ruling Apartheid masters set out to work on wiping off the historical memory of the Africans in South Africa. Ntsebeza and Bell help us get some of the origins of latter-day liberal post-neocolonial colonial capitalist system. When Apartheid was being replaced by the ANC-led government, and "as prospects of a democratic transition in South Africa drew close, tons of files, microfilm, audio and computer tapes and disks were shredded, wiped and incinerated in little more than six months in 1993, while the political parties of the Apartheid state negotiated with the representatives of the Liberal movements (The Apartheid rulers were negotiating from a position of power and strength- my addition).

"Some forty-four metric tons of records from the headquarters of National Intelligence Service alone was destroyed. There was so much material that state incinerators could not cope: the furnaces of private companies such as the steelmaker Iscor also had to be used. Into these flames disappeared the last echoes of the voices of thousand of victims. It was a paper Auschwitz, an attempt to eradicate all evidence of the nightmare memories of the tortured and the living dead, to obliterate all trace of those victims whose physical remains lay scattered countrywide in unmarked graves.

"Into the flames too went the files of the frightened ones, their craven acceptance of compromise and collaboration etched in dry officialese, but still sweating fear from every syllable. There were also the records of the venal individuals whose greed had driven them to verbal betrayal and beyond. The pasts of thousands of part-time whisperers of secrets and betrayers of trust were turned to ashes. Who and what they talked about, to whom and why, was either vaporized in the furnaces, or shredded to strips, then sold by the kilogram to companies as Nampak and Sappi to be pulped.

"A new eco-friendly generation would pen its own secrets on the recycled remains of much of a nation's memory. This is not the first time that collaboration between the state and private business have taken place. Such disposals were purely business transactions, with no questions asked. It enabled business representatives later to appear before the Truth And reconciliation Commission(TRC), to plead ignorance of gross human rights abuses, and even deny that they had any sense profited from a system which had, at the very least, guaranteed for decades a cheap and malleable labor force. (Bell/Ntsebenza)

Evidence of the destruction of archives surfaced in 1991 at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa(Codesa) forum where government and anti-Apartheid representative eventually agreed their compromise for a transition to a non-racial parliamentary democracy. This brought about immediate demands, especially from anti-Apartheid representatives, to halt the destruction of state records, to keep the national archive reasonably intact. However, there was relatively little protest, for it was not only the governing National Party (NP) leadership and the generals, brigadiers, colonels and foot soldiers in various arms of the security apparatus that the destruction served-it also helped recycle Apartheid and made it possible to preserve it.

"There were also the various informers and collaborators in business and civil society as well as within the various antiapartheid structures for whom the burning and shredding of files promised an end to fears of discovery. Among the negotiators on both sides at the historic Codesa talks were individuals whose future careers depended on the records of the past being lost. But given the delicate nature of the compromise being sought, legal forms must, where possible, be followed. F.W. de Klerk, as head of government, instructed his office to secure a state legal opinion on the issue of destroying files deemed 'secret'. In so doing, the 'ancien regime' effectively erased the historical memory of Africans and the records which showed how this(Apartheid was done, planned and executed).

Obfuscation and Falsification

People were misled in 1990, the ANC leadership made it clear it would do its utmost to honor the spirit of the 1955 Freedom Charter, which declared that the people of South Africa "shall share in the country's wealth. The minerals beneath the soil and monopoly industry shall belong to the people. The land shall be shared among those who work it. There shall be houses, security and the right to work. "The ANC", said Mandela, "would take over the great monopolies, including the financial institutions. This was the fundamental policy of the ANC," he said. "It is inconceivable that we will ever change this policy."

To the Africans, his words carried the moral weight of a leader who, as Antony Sampson, Mandela's biographer has written, has "a moral influence which no politician or newspaper dare challenge." The ANC has gone the path that the rest of Africa went after 'decolonization'. A case in point is when those reforms that had to diminish the political presence of European administrators made it important to the imperialists that their economic institutions in Africa be protected from nationalists. The Agreements whereby the mere administrative machineries of the colonies were transferred to the black petit-bourgeoisie administrators contained veiled clauses guaranteeing in effect that African countries, though now nominally independent, would remain imperialized. We had no plans for tampering with the colonial machinery of exploitation-as Winnie said above, we have not yet given ourselves a chance and time to think things over, look at everything anew..

The banks - Barclays, Standard, Credit Congolais, Banque Nationale pour le Commerce et 'Industrie(BNCI), Union Babonaise - would all continue their unhampered practice of transferring whatever monies they wanted out of Africa to Europe. No restriction whatever. The trading monopolies - UAC, GBO, CFAO - would all remain, operating as before as arms of Unilever and the various Societies Generales of France and Belgium. The big mining combines, either through their subsidiaries or in the own names - Rio Tinto, ATMN, Union Miniere, Sheel BP, De Beers, Frominiere, Tanganyika Concessions - would continue to cart off the wealth of our South African subsoil.

"Except for politely asking these tentacles of European exploitation to kindly make some changes in their names and register themselves as African companies, as Nigerian, Ghanaian, Zambian or South Africa companies, we insisted upon little else."(Chinweizu) It is also instructive to cull lessons from the Apartheid masters, when they were creating an African petit bourgeoisie, one can glean as to their mind-set and set up, i.e., they were grooming Africans to role-play in the positions that were held by their white masters, and they just had to continue business as usual; their actions and effects and affects on the poor Africans will be explored below which will enable us to get a real historical sense as to how this whole disembowelment of a people by the colonizers was achieved, and applied.

President Botha had hopes of winning international support that Apartheid so disastrously lacked by his new policy; according to Patrick Laurence, the new strategy "... has two recommendations; it creates a buffer between the white elite and the relatively impoverished black masses, and thereby transfers a racial struggle between white and black into an ideological one between capitalism and Marxism." In the economic sphere, a number of concessions were projected for some sections of the black population, preferably to reduce their commitment to the aims of the liberation struggle and in any case, to persuade the outside world that South African society was not based on crude racial exclusion. These concessions all aimed expressly at the richer urban African, the the newly created/invented "Black middle class". The poor, who were still suffering from the effects and affects of Apartheid, were left in limbo and their plight ignored by their own 'elected' government of the day.

The Sham Democracy of The Rainbow Nation: Alienation and Identity Crisis

However, this black middle class hardly existed, as yet. Apartheid (until recently) severely hampered the black businessman: the "Soweto tycoon" so built up in the South African press owned no more than a few corner grocery stores or garages. African "Professionals" were limited by the structure of Bantu Education as well s the job market; in the townships, a hospital nurse occupied a highly prestigious positions, as does a secondary school teacher. And the job color-bar by law had kept African workers in unskilled and low paying jobs in industry.

Indeed, the percentage of Africans in the "middle class" job categories had dropped between 1970 and 1978, due primarily to world recession (Africans are the last hired and first fired), and this was due also to the cumulative impact of Bantu Education. "The percentage of Africans (compared to the total population) in the category of administrative, executive and managerial personnel dropped from 2.9% to 0.4%; in "professional, semi-professional and technical staff" from 29% to 26%; in "Artisans" from 2.5 to 2.1%; and in "clerical workers" from 13.4% to 13.2%."(Post, 12.1.1978) This situation was exacerbated by the coming of the ANC into power in the mid-1990s to today).

The government's response to this came in February 1979, in the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Labor Legislation, popularly known as the Wiehahn Report. It constituted the first official study of labor practices in South Africa in thirty years. In the introduction to the Wiehahn Report, it was stated that a major reason for the report was" "... an ever-increasing process of industrialization which was resulting in a demand for [cheap?] labor,particularly skilled labor ... There were simply not enough skilled workers to fill all the vacancies ... with the result that increasing members of unskilled and semi-skilled workers, particularly Blacks ... had to be raised and utilized to perform higher-level skilled jobs.

Because of the actions of wiping out the historical memory of Africans, emphasis should be placed on the reclamation of African identity by African peoples and their construction of an African-centered consciousness because we recognize that it was and is the [externally induced] repression of these two factors that made the mental conquest and continuing domination of African peoples possible. This repression and wiping out of consciousness of their original identity and consciousness is essentially to understanding what is referred to as "alienation" or "self-alienation."

When the repression of African identity and consciousness was carried out, the refusal to learn African history and culture by Africans are motivated by shame and guilt, anxiety, fear, embarrassment of being identified as an African[on the part of Africans] most often induced by the politico-economic machinations of the dominant Whites); when the African person uses these attitudes and feelings to reject his African identity and heritage (the identity and heritage being an objective fact whether he accepts it or not), then we refer to that person as "self-hating" or self-alienated.

The general attitude is one of "self-hatred." In being ignorant of (self-alienated) or in rejecting his objective historical/cultural identity (self-hatred) the person is compelled to assume a new identity, albeit a false one, or suffer identity confusion and crisis, ambivalence, or lack of self-definition usually characterized by a chronic search for purpose and meaning. This can be identified and clearly seen in the behavior of Africans in South Africa today.

The important thing at this juncture is that attitude of self-alienation or of self hatred and the behavioral tendencies that these attitudes generates, e.g., assuming a new identity, rejecting their culture, language and customs, are themselves induced in the self-alienated or self-hating person or group by a powerfully dominating alien group and the shenanigans of local and International Big Capital.

This powerful, or dominant group and Big Capital, deliberately induces these attitudes in the subject group by denying it the knowledge and practice of its history and culture, and economic empowerment, by denigrating and negatively distorting its history and culture by punishing any attempt by African to positively identify with its history and culture, as well as by rewarding it for assuming a new and false identity compatible with the interests of the dominant group: the act of de-Africanizaing themselves.

The False or alienated identity of the subject group, if compatible with the interests of the dominant party, supports and often strengthens the dominant-surbodinate relationship, i.e., maintains or enhances the power of the dominant party and increases the benefits it receives from the relationship, while simultaneously maintaining or accelerating the relative powerlessness of the subordinate party. Ultimately, the subordinate party may become exhausted by the relationship.

A subordinate group is other directed to the degree to which it is ignorant of the process by which its collective personality has been and is created, shaped or conditioned by the dominant group; the degree to which it is unaware of the fact that it is psychologically and behaviorally motivated and directed by the dominant group; believes itself to be be self-directed, when it is not the case; it has been unconsciously induced to behave in ways which maintain, if not enhance, its subordination by the dominant group. Thus, it perpetuates its own subordination, its own powerlessness and exploitation.

Working against their self-interests on the the part of the dominated works best when they are falsely assured that they are working for themselves and in their best interests. This deceptive orientation is achieved when the dominated identify completely with a character and general behavioral disposition created for them and introjected into them by their oppressors. Even if the artificial character and disposition of the dominated are seen by many of them as unattractive, deficient, maladaptive and inferior, the sources of social ridicule and social rejection, especially by their oppressors whose acceptance they crave beyond all else, they will tend to see such a character and disposition as inherently their own.

They come to believe that their faulty character and disposition were thrust upon them by fate or divine curse. For the mechanism of how important segments of their faulty character and dispositions have been conditioned into them by their oppressor is hidden from them as have been the knowledge of how these orientations empower their oppressors as they disempower themselves. We have discussed above how Apartheidizers did this, and how the ANC continues in the same vein of not uplifting the Poor people, but greedily robs and pillage on the public coffers that are supposed to help the poor.

A product and functionary of European imperialism, this establishment[the ANC] promulgates explanatory systems, diagnostic techniques, labeling and treatment regimes which obscure the true origins of African mental diseases and maladaptiveness: the effects and aftereffects of White supremacy. By these means this establishment makes its most important contribution, along with Eurocentric historiography, to the falsification and misdirection of African consciousness, history, culture and behavior.

Eurocentric historiography - the biasing and falsification of history in ways which justify White supremacy - is not merely fiddle-faddle of absent-minded professor ensconced in academic ivory towers. It involves a deliberate and serious exercise in myth-making, in development of Eurocentric cultural mythic thought which rationalizes a concrete social order founded on the perpetual subordination of African peoples to European peoples in South Africa.

Moreover, the Eurocentric social order which the European historiographic and behavioral science establishments legitimate and support, is essentially a "social machine" which manufactures a consciousness and behavioral orientation in African peoples designed to serve the purposes of White supremacy. The ANC has guaranteed this perception and reality at the expense of the poor African people and some poor Whites[who were part of the old order but have fallen between the cracks of a new ANC-led order].

The Struggle for Economic Democracy in South Africa

Retrogressed Freedom; Underdevelopment of The African Ruled

At this point and time, not long after South Africa's first nationwide, non-racial elections, African South Africans(Blacks) n the new multiethnic society suffer an unemployment rate of 20-50 percent. African South Africans own 2% or less of the 210 billion capitalization on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Whites in South Africa own or hold title to 86% of South Africa's land while constituting just 13% of its total population, and own 90% of its economic wealth. This leaves the rest of Africans, colored and Indian South Africans who constitute 87% of its total population with just title to just 14% of its land and 10% of its wealth. As one leading African South African put it - "It's a recipe for revolution".

It is obvious that the gaining of political democracy, e.g., equal access to public accommodations by Africans, will not resolve potentially explosive racial and political conflicts which threaten to destabilize the whole South African nation unless and until economic democracy is also instituted for Africans. This simply means that ownership and control of South Africa's wealth, land economic resources and production must be equitably and proportionately shared between its White and non-white populations. Moreover, this means that Africans must, through individual, corporate, and institutional means not only found, buy and establish or expand new and existing businesses which operate both the national and international economies, but must acquire high levels of equity in the major corporations and financial institutions now exclusively owned and controlled by Whites.

Given the poor state of African's state of existence, we begin to see the same effects that although there are notions of Apartheid may have been uprooted within South Africa, but it has resurfaced in the African municipalities with the Implementation of externally-led neo-liberal economic policies. When one gleans through the Local Government White Paper(LGWP), it is clear that it favors free market conditions, but it also fails to recognize the despondent state of discombobulated wretched existential realities of its electorate. Patrick Bond and Mzwanele give us a clearer picture of the economic conditions prevailing on the ground for the imperiled African hewers of wood and drawers of water in their own country.

Bond and Mayekiso open up their narrative and discourse as follows: "The deterioration of municipal services and declining standards of infrastructure have become commonplace in post-Apartheid South Africa and housing has become a policy farce. All of this is not because South Africa is now under "black rule," as many conservatives would have it, but on the contrary, because of a combination of factors reinforcing residual white power remain.

These factors are evident in the profoundly anti-redistributive, market-orientated policies on municipal services designed in late 1984 by the World Bank and inexplicably adopted by the Reconstruction and Development Program (or RDP) office in 1985 and Department of Constitutional Development (DCD) in 1996 once the RDP office closed and local infrastructure became DCD's responsibility. DCD, which was led by Minister Valli Moosa, a former UDF member, carried over South Africa's worst bureaucrats, i.e., the white men who designed the complex systems of racial segregation(Apartheid). Moosa, in challenging the Apartheid -era planning, invoked the neo-liberal principles, an alternative program that merely compounded the problem for the poor.

According to Bond and Mayekiso: "Others like Dr. Crispian Olver, who was once in the ANC underground activist and a student activist, as the governments main infrastructure bureaucrat, was challenged about his failure to adopt RDP provision that services such as electricity and water should be cross-subsidized. Reminded that, Alusaf, the big aluminum in Richards Bay, receives electricity at roughly R0.02 per kilowatt hour while rural consumers often pay as high as R0.48 per kilowatt hour, Olver responded to Mail and Guardian that "if we increase the price of electricity to users like Alusaf, their products will become uncompetitive and that will affect our balance of payments."

He later went on to blame the opposition to privatization by the trade unionists for the failure of the RDP. In both cases, however, Olver was simply articulating principle established by World Bank teams who have come to South Africa to design national policy but also to invest in privatized municipal infrastructure (through a US$25 million rate return equity stake made by their subsidiary, the International Finance Corporation, in a fund that promises a 28% US$ rate of return). This clearly generates conflicts of interest as, for instance, when Bank staff went to Port Elizabeth in 1996 to study the capital expenditure on household water supply and after a week produced a plan with only one option: privatization.

Beyond shrinkage of the state through privatization - supported, ironically enough, by former radical community activists of the South African National Civic Organization (SANCO), whose near-bankrupt investment fund allied with the British water firm, Biwater, to bid for the first big municipal contract, in Nelspruit - another sign of declining standards suffered by low-income black South Africans is the level of essential services they can expect when [or if] new infrastructure is built in the coming years.

Bond and Mayekiso further unpack the way the structure of the New ANC functions by stating: "For those with below a R800(around $100) per moth income who live in municipalities with no other means of topping up the subsidy, services will be reduced to a pit latrine(not flush toilet), low voltage electricity (not enough to run a heater or hot plate), a yard tap (not even in an internal sink), high-Mast lighting (the type found throughout Soweto, making it look like a concentration camp), and gravel roads(of which some have been paved by now).

The World Bank contributed to the declining standards of African people, which is worse than Apartheid planning -which were established in March 1995 Infrastructure Investment Report which are justified mainly by refusal of both DCD and the Department of Finance to cross-subsidize the provision of reticulated water and electricity. These services are now considered so expensive at non-subsidized costs that low income families will be denied the ability to flush their excrement or to turn on an appliance that requires more than 5 amps to run." [A point to Note!]

Some of the issues just discussed above are now already in play in Townships throughout the South African landscape: water in the Townships gets shut down for hours to days at a time; electricity is shut down(mostly in winter and on very hot days for the inhabitants of these Townships]. The locals are forced, coerced, tricked into buying electricity and paying exorbitant sums on water bills.

A casual perusal of the IMF and World back is necessary here to give some historical perspective to the way both have a joint location in Washington, systematic consultation about each other's activities, regular co-operation (even complementarity), their identical ideologies perspectives, similarly of objectives and common programs under "Structural Adjustment Program". As such, it is possible to identify four major IMF-World Bank programs in Africa.

They are: (i) anti-poverty programs[which has worsened poverty in poor countries]; (ii) growth-orientated programs[which have destroyed and shut down local economies], including infrastructural development[which in the case of South Africa is accelerated to crumble and deteriorate] (iii) balance of payments stabilization programs; (iv) structural adjustment programs(SAP) or economic recovery programs (ERP). Of these, the first two are the main concerns of the bank, the third of the Fund, while the fourth is a joint concern of both institutions.

IMF-World Bank's Structural Adjustment Program

At this juncture we will look at number Structural Adjustment Program: The Structural Adjustment Program SAP, or Economic Recovery Program (ERP) as it is called in Ghana and elsewhere, is one of the numerous policy responses to the crisis the 1980s. Structural adjustment loans seem to have been originated in 1980 with a World Bank Loan of $200 million each to certain Asian countries, including the Philippines. SAP represents a special effort to deal with the current crisis in a co-ordinated manner that involves overseeing an entire economy, rather than just agricultural or external sector.

In the process,while the Bank still retains its anti-poverty program, it now generates this as a component of overall structural adjustment, which also embraces the Fund's balance of payments adjustment. In this IMF-Wolrd Bank hybrid program, the dominant preoccupations are with the external sector of the economy and its foreign exchange shortages, as well as industrial policy.

So, for example, while an IMF team looks into the balance of payments and exchange problems of a debtor country, A World Bank team discusses export promotion, industrial policies and appropriate tariff structure. Either institution may then pronounce on the national budget, credit limits of commercial banks, structure of interest rates, wage policy, the desirability of specific industrial projects and so on. In this way, cross-conditionality is imposed by the Fund and the Bank on the same country

There are two basic similarities between SAP and ERP and the IMF's stabilization programs. One is that both programs are based on essentially the same preconditions with the distinct addition that SAP or ERP offer a major leverage over industrial policy of the debtor country. It can be used for recommending the closure of specific existing or planned industrial enterprises, for promoting certain export industries funded through export-promotion loans, and for creating "Export Free" zones, as in South Asia (Philippine' structural adjustment loan involved this).

The second similarity is that the acceptance of the precondition of both is also a precondition for the offer of debt relief (e.g., debt rescheduling) by private foreign banks and export houses. Hence, under SAP or ERP, when a country turns down an IMF Loan and goes ahead and takes a World Bank loan, it has not really made a policy change. A special feature of SAP is that it is usually regarded as 'shock treatment' to an economy. This is why its initial duration is about two years, its loan is fast disbursing upon fulfillment of the conditionality (popularly called "the "pill") and it is generally deflationary in the name of imposing 'financial discipline'. But after the initial two years, a SAP victim may then have to go through about eight other three-year programs before it is finally pronounced 'cured' or 'fully adjusted - some speak of ASPs as having a total duration of 25+ years!

The Fund's stabilization program has involved missions, reports and recommendations for the control of inflation, devaluation, liberalization, export promotion and general demand restraint. The Fund has over the years also argued that these roles imply that it has a role in economic growth. Similarly, the Bank has also been focusing on agricultural promotion, emphasizing agrarian reforms, pushing more resources into the rural economy and promoting population control policies (in this case, the reader should look up Monsanto-See a short discussion below). At this juncture, we look into the effects of the World Bank-IMF loans to the South African Economy and its poor peoples.

It is better to put the programs of the IMF/World Bank's Structural Adjustment programs into a much clearer and understandable perspective:

Through its structural Adjustment programs, the I.M.F. and the bank now effectively oversees and supervises the economies of some 30 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The imposition of structural adjustment programs on African nations has generally proved not only counterproductive, but disastrous. Two student of African economics Michael Brown and Paul Tiffen outline the typical International Monetary Fund IMF)/World Bank adjustment demands in the following way:

- Currency devaluation to improve the balance of payments by raising the cost of imported goods and making exports more competitive.

- Domestic demand management to cut back government budgets, especially for social expenditure and for subsidies.

- Freeing of prices to remove the distortion resulting from subsidies on food, fertilizer and other essentials from import taxes on luxury items, and to provide an incentive for export where prices are set in the world market. (Monsanto is the culprit on this issue)

- High interest rates and credit squeeze to reduce inflationary pressures.

- Import liberalization to open local industry to competition from more industrially developed countries and encourage expansion of foreign trade exchanges.

- Privatization of state and para-statal enterprises to reduce government protection of inefficient economic activities.

Looking at these economic instruments, one can see that some have problems and some have more than others:

* Currency devaluation increases process for imported foods and those who depend on it, mainly the urban poor, while increased prices of imported equipment raise production costs. Devaluation can lead to inflation, but reduces imports of food in competition with local farm production. Devaluation increases commodity exports, unless other producing countries do the same, as they are also under pressure form the World Bank to do.

* Domestic demand management reduces public available for development, for the local financial component of joint development projects and infrastructure improvements. Incentives through tax concessions for exports are not affected. The impact of freeing prices may be nullified if all countries follow suit and world prices are generally falling.

* High interest rates and a credit squeeze tend to result in bankruptcies, especially of small local businesses, and may push up costs all round[which is what is currently happening in South Africa with food price rises and energy consumption].

Tiffen and Brown further explain why the apparently generous agreements between the developed nations and the Lesser Developed Countries(LDC)s, specifically African nations, achieved through GATT and other international or bilateral negotiations, do not often work in practice:

"The World Bank distinguishes between internal and external blockages or obstacles to economic development. It is generally insisted that internal blockages are at the heart of Africa's crisis. In fact, external factors influencing Africa's economic development are at least as important and indeed constitute almost insuperable obstacles. It has been exceedingly difficult for Africa to break out of the primary commodity straightjacket inherited from its colonial past and to end its reliance on TNs [transnational corporations] - both processors and traders - whose objective may not and cannot be expected to prioritize African economic and social development.

The protection barriers against imported manufactures and against the more processed stags of primary products defy most efforts to develop viable and independent industry. Of all the developing regions, sub-Saharan Africa has fared the worst, because despite some duty-free access, African products with development potential, notably textiles, processed coffee and canned fruits, are still prohibitively taxed on entry to markets in developed countries. Finally, the most serious of all, there is a growing crisis for Africa , as direct foreign investment bypasses Africa and the collapse in primary commodity prices and export earnings makes the already crippling foreign debt even harder to service."

The roles of the World Bank and IMF are being undermined to such a degree by private capital that a columnist in the Wall Street Journal calls for their role definition. He contends: "The World Bank and international Monetary fund(IMF) once the chief doctors of the world's ailing economies, are battling to stay relevant. Times have changed since the two institutions held sway in countries desperate for loans or project funding. Now, the surge in private financial activity in many emerging economies offers nations are different - and often more efficient - as a funding option.

According to the Wall Street Journal, in "the emerging economies of Eastern Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, mutual funds are now one of the biggest suppliers of badly needed capital. The Funds may facilitate easier access to powerful government officials." The Journal further comments that "the Funds' ability - and propensity - to withdraw their money at any time gives them a negotiating clout that perhaps is greater than that of the banks of the IMF, which allow countries time to solve their financial problems." As times change, so do the policies of the IMF and the World Bank towards those poor countries.

The ANC, the World Bank and the IMF

Patrick Bond writes:

"Just how dangerous is the World bank and its neoconservative President Shellack to South Africa and global climate? Notwithstanding South African's existing $75 Billion Foreign Debt, on April 8, 2110? The Bank added a $3.75 Billion loan to South Africa's electricity utility, Eskom, for the primary purpose of building the World's fourth largest coal-fired power plant, at Medupi.

"It will spew 25 million tons of climatee pollutant Carbon Dioxide into the air each year. South Africa's Finance Minister. Pravin Fordham has repeatedly said that this is the the World Bank's "First Post-Apartheid loan, yet the banks 1999 and 2008 Country Assistance strategy documents show conclusively that Medupi is the 15th credit since 1994.

"Gorhan claimed the loan will help South Africa "Build a relationship" with the Bank. He 'conveniently' forgets that the Bank co-authored the African National Congres(ANC) bovernment's neoliberal growth, employment and redistribution (GEAR) Program, which led us to overtake Brazil as the world's mostunequal major country, as African people's incomes fell below 1994 levels and White People's income grew by 24 percent, according to official statistics.

"Gordhan negelcts that the World Bank itself regularly brags about its "knowledge Bank" role here. In 1999, for example, after economist John Toome suggested to the then Minister Kader Asmal, that the government ipose a "credible threat of "cutting service" to the people who cannot afford water, the Banks Country Assistance Strategy reported that its "Market-related pricing" advice was "sentimental in facilitating radical revision in South Africa's approach". As a result, the Choleraa epidemic the follwoing year - catalyzed by water disconnection - killed hundreds.

"Similar misery will follow the Eskom Loan. Medusa will be built in a water-scarce are where communities are already confronting extreme pollution. Forty new Limpopo and Mpumalanga Coal Mines will be open to provide inputs to Medupi and its successor, Kusile.

"Meanwhile, the World Bank is trying to lend nearly $4 Billion to the Johannesburg-based State owned utility, Eskom, the world's fourth-largest Powwer Company and African's largest Carbon emitter (with 40% of South Africa's total emissions. The loan is mainly for constructing the worlds fourth most CO2-intensive Coal-fired Plant., Medupi . Thr ANC-led government is in service of the iMF, World Bank, and the International and local Big Capital."

GOING AGAINST THE GRAIN

Bond further informs us thus: "More worryingly, power-plant construction plans include a pay-off of $135 million profit for the ANC, whose investment arm own a quarter of Hitachi, which received a $5 billion Eskom contract. So blatant is the conflict of interest that the government's Public Protector last month judged Valli Moosa - then chair of Eskom and an ANC finance committee member - to have acted improperly. The potential sale of the ANC's shares in Hitachi within the next six weeks (announced and then retracted) doesn't mitigate matters, given Medupe's high cost escalations (from 5.5 billion to $18 billion) and the increased value of Hitachi's shares thanks to the improper and corrupt contract. Five dozen SA civic, environmental, church, academic and labor organizations began a campaign against the World Bank loan in February.

They are concerned not only that catastrophic climate change will be hastened, along with privatization of electricity generation, but worse, Medupi's main beneficiary will be the world's largest metal and mining corporations, which already receive the world's cheapest electricity thanks to multi-decade deals cut in the last years of Apartheid. This was being pushed at a time of intense controversy surrounding Eskom mismanagement in its last annual reporting period. The caption above demonstrates clearly that the ANC is in Cahoots with Big International and local capital, and being advised by the IMF and the World among some of its many advisors and sponsors.

New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD)

While the end of Apartheid in South Africa brought the end of state repression and formal Apartheid censorship of the press, new mechanisms have come to replace the old. Market-driven English Daily News daily newspapers continue, through a series of new filters, to limit, shape, and censor ideas for the benefit of the elite private and public sectors. The manufactured, one-dimensional, pro market-market world view results restricts both freedom and democracy. As South Africa enters and finishes off its second decade of democracy, with new freedoms and civil liberties, further evaluation of this relationship between the media, the state, and the market becomes increasingly vital.

According to Noam Chomsky, "the U.S. media serve, and propagandize on behalf of, the powerful societal interests that control and finance them. The newspapers cover forestry, terrorism, and the New African Partnership for African development, to be exact, about 1997 newspaper articles and examined the use of sources quoted and revealed censorship of alternative voices. The qualitative analysis examined the vested interests and various players have in a pro-market, censored representation of NEPAD, the forestry industry, and terrorism. The study revealed that capitalism and the resulting interlocking capital of board members, newspaper owners, advertisers, and the government, cause newspapers to engage in self-censorship and exclusion of threatening voices to advance the interests of the elite (Noam Chomsky)

In the case of South Africa, propaganda and media control continues today, under the auspices of a new democracy, within the Southern African English Daily papers. A couple or so newspapers cover forestry, terrorism and the New African Partnership for African Development NEPAD) over a two-year period, because that is what they were designed and created to do as Chomsky tells us above.

Africa comprises about ten percent of the world's population, yet it accounts for one third of the world's poorest people. Many initiatives such as foreign aid; debt reduction programs; foreign direct investment, instructions such as the African Development BAnk, International monetary Fund, United Nations, World Bank, and World Health Organization; private NGOs; and various African Programs such as the Lagos Plan of Action (1980) and Cairo Agenda (1994) have attempted to address and alleviate poverty in Africa. Yet, half of the continent's population remains in absolute poverty(Southern African Catholic Bishop's Conference and The South African Council of Churches Salem Nsouli, June 2001).

Economically, the continent has struggled over the last 25 years. Africa exports 30 percent more than today than it did in 1980, but receives 40 percent less income from these goods. Herman and Chomsky Business Day, Cape Times and Natal Witness will extol the benefits of NEPAD through the use of experts, politicians, and editorials [in their newspapers -italics mine], while at the same time they are limiting and marginalizing the voices of labor, women, unions and civil society - in short, the majority of the population for whom NEPAD is intended.

Nepad is an attempt by African leaders to resolve Africa's persistent predicament of poverty and underdevelopment through a vision and a strategic framework that puts forth key social, economic and political priorities for the continent'. In October 2001, NEPAD was launched with great fanfare as the solution to Africa's continual state of hardship. NEPAD was the result of a directive given to five Heads of State (Algeria, Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa) by the Organization of African Unity (OAU; now the African Union) to develop an integrated socio-economic development structure for Africa. The heads of state of the aforementioned countries, built upon their last colonial relationship with the former colonizers. All these deals and their implementation have had some visible stamps or scars and effects on the poor people of South Africa in a myriad ways.

Too Few(The Rich) Ask Too Much Of The Many(The Poor)

Democrazy: Morphed neocolonial, Neo-Liberal Shosholoza Economics

When the ANC government contested South Africa's first democratic elections, it promised the South African working class that it would, through the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP), embark on a systematic redistribution of wealth and resources, ensure that basic needs were met and essential social services were available and affordable to the majority of the poor and listen to the demands and desires of the people who voted for them.

The working class voted overwhelmingly for the ANC, but none of these promises were kept, - instead, the ANC ditched the RDP and unilaterally introduced the neoliberal capitalist Growth, Employment And Redistribution macro-economic framework in 1996. For the next five years, the ANC tried to sell the idea that GEAR would "deliver a better life for all".

All GEAR delivered was hundreds of thousands of lost jobs for workers, hundreds of thousands of people, (mostly poor) dying of HIV-AIDS, privatization of public assets, millions of poor thrown into even deeper poverty and new and old capitalist elites getting filthy rich. After the elections of 1999, the ANC again promised the South African working class that they needed to be patient, that 'shosholoza' economics and capitalism would eventually work for everyone.

When it became clear that large numbers of organized workers and poor communities were not buying the ANC's sales job, the ANC reverted to disingenuous propaganda about how they were going to do the same things they had promised in 1994. And, again, millions of working class South Africans voted for the ANC. Another five years passed, and the ANC was at it again. Against all empirical evidence and the realities of daily life in South Africa's burgeoning poor, the ANC continues to repeat the same sales mantra and false promises.

Their election manifesto spews out all sorts of dubious statistics and arguments to show that the ANC government is succeeding in: Providing accessible and affordable basic needs and services to the poor; redistributing wealth and resources to the poor African majority; creating millions of new job; dealing effectively with the scourge of crime and the socioeconomic conditions within which it flourishes; transforming the legal system so that everyone is "equal before the law"; doing away with corruption in the public and private sectors; deepening democracy by listening to, and working hand-in-hand with poor communities; and, helping to bring peace, economic justice and political equality to the African continent and across the globe.

Ten years on though, with the 'traditional left' firmly in its pocket, the ANC has become even more arrogant and confident that the majority of the working class will buy the "line". The ANC knows that it will, once again, win the election if it can make the working class believe in what it says instead of paying attention to what it does (or doesn't do). Like the main capitalist parties in the West, the ANC has become an expert purveyor of false expectations and stolen dreams. (Dale T. McKinley). These past 2011 Provincial eletions, ANC has been made aware by its voters that their lies are coming to an end.

The ANC's election manifesto is just as slicker and more sophisticated version of its predecessors. If we peel away the electioneering layers that distort and obscure the truth of present-day South African society, then the realities of ANC "delivery are exposed:

* Nearly half of South Africa's population have no formal job and the casualization/outsourcing of work has turned million of workers into virtual beggars.

* Two-thirds of South Africans now live on the verge of, or in, poverty, struggling to put enough food in their stomachs an enjoy even the most basic necessities of life; meanwhile, a small minority of old White capitalists and their new, but paltry in number African brethren get richer and fatter by the day.

* Millions still have no access to basic services like water,electricity, housing, [toilets] and healthcare. Millions cannot access those services that have been "delivered" because of privatization and corporatization has driven the prices up; meanwhile, the mining corporations, capitalist farmers, private medical schemes and property developers make super profits and consume record amounts of publicly subsidized basic services. Meanwhile the poor have no jobs and have become much more poorer.

* Apartheid-era land ownership patterns remain virtually unchanged and farm-workers and rural dwellers continue to live under oppressive, near feudal relations. Meanwhile, rich foreigners and an emergent domestic bourgeoisie buy-up, and speculate on, prime agricultural, industrial and residential land(See the sub-heading below on Monsanto).

* The ANC's manifesto says that the ANC wants to enter into a "people's contract" with all South Africans in order to "create work and roll back poverty". Such a "contract" will supposedly be achieved by everyone embracing a "spirit of responsibility and volunteerism". If the majority buy into this contract(as they will soon be having elections this 2011), and vote for the ANC, then the ANC says it will fulfill all the election promises and more) it has failed to to deliver in the past 20 years. The ANC's so-called "people's contract" offer the exact opposite - a South Africa built on continued capitalist alienation, elite wealth accumulation and class exploitation. The illusion still continues unabated and undisturbed.

ANC and White Big Business Brothers in Capitalism

This bourgeois democracy came at a price for the new ruling ANC governments' overwhelming electoral popularity, that it is a relatively modestly sized organization - since its legalization its active, paid up, membership has fluctuated between 100,000 and 500,000 - and at its peak about half of the membership claimed by the Inkatha Freedom Party(IFP) or the trade unionists affiliated with the ANC's ally, The Congress of South African Unions(COSATU).

Its most committed following is predominantly rural; organizationally the ANC is weakest in big cities, a trait confirmed in its electoral performance: in 2000 local government, for example, voter turnout rates in traditionally ANC predisposed African Townships outside Johannesburg and other main towns were particularly low, affecting the organization more adversely than its opponents; this familiar pattern has been repeated in the 2011 Provincial election. As the ANC's own researchers noted, ANC electoral support "is most solid in poor rural areas and wards"(Michael Sachs).

But while the ANC continues to maintain that it represents "a disciplined force of the left" representative of "the needs and aspirations of the overwhelming majority of South Africans", many of whom are poor, it has financially become increasingly dependent on contributions from big business, especially, though not exclusively from within the emerging sector of black controlled companies." At this juncture, it is worth noting that "shortly after its return from exile, the organization invested in various business ventures to create its own source of income, but in 1997, these were reported to have failed.

In 1994 and 1999, elections donations from foreign governments, the ANC's traditional source of funding remained the main source of finance, but increasingly the ANC has solicited and received donations from local businesses. At the 51 conference a specially established unite, the "Network Lounge" invited parastatals and private corporations to set up exhibitions stands and sent representatives to a banquet for a fee of (R140.000 each. In 1997, the treasurer general suggested in his report at the Mafikeng conference that R2 million would be the standard donation black empowerment groups should expect to be contributing to the ANC. Though certain companies have admitted making very substantial donation to the ANC between election, report of ANC offices running very large overdrafts and failing to pay their telephone bills as well as closure in 1998 of its mass circulation newspaper, Mayibuye, suggest that despite holding public office, its finances remain precarious and unpredictable. (Roger Southall and Geoffrey Wood,1998).

Fly into any South African city and the divisions are precise and entrenched. Johannesburg offers the most vivid example. On one side, there is Sandton municipality where, in fortified splendor, live some of the most pampered people on earth. They do not all live in "Italianate"" palaces, with decorative fountains rising out of rolling lawns tended by garden "boys"(African workers), but most do; and many do not conform to the stereotypes lampooned, so often hysterically, in Britain.

But enclaves like Sandton are Apartheid's unchallenged bastions, from which the 5% of the population controls 88% of the nation's wealth. This grotesque imbalance of power has not changed since the advent of democracy and is likely not to. They[the White elite], not the majority, have been rewarded by democracy and "reconciliation". In 1994, as election day approached, White south Africans hoarded food and fortified their houses against the feared "takeover" by domestic servants, the homeless, the unemployed and black masses in general.

18-20 years later(From the time Mandela became the first black president to Zuma, today, and beyond), the servants are still serving, the squatters are still squatting (and are still being evicted by white-led paramilitary police both orchestrated by the ANC and the DA people and police), and the majority are still waiting - while the "white madams" and the "Baases"(Bosses or Masters), in a slavery context) experience no real change in the privileged way of life. For them, there is nothing in the "new South Africa", apart from the shared discomfort of paranoia and the acquisition of a new burglar alarm.

They are no longer "the polecats if the world", they can now travel and play sports and do business wherever they like, protesting that they like "good Germans, were never part of the system and suffering, amounting to a "a collective delusion that they have done enough by 'allowing' majority rule."(Pilger)

To many White South Africans, "crime" is the euphemism for the migration of impoverished, workless and unhealthy blacks across the old racial dividing lines. In one sense, the issue is quite useful to the corporate elite that controlled the the economy under Apartheid and controls it now, for it reminds the African National Congress that it must discipline those frustrated with lack of change. In a Sandton restaurant, a woman said, "You must understand its very difficult for young children here."

The rest, 87% of African children who are in poor health, then there are the 38% who are stunted, the 23% who suffer chronic malnutrition, do not exist. And when it was suggested to her that whites were fortunate, given their role in Apartheid, to have experienced such a peaceful transformation to democracy, to which she abruptly answered, "I don't know what you mean." It is amazing to see the restraint of the black majority, given the flaunting of wealth by the minority whites. About 2.5 kilometers from Sandton, literally across a road, is the Black Township of Alexandra. Half a million people live there, squeezed into a square 2.5km. When it rains, the polluted river Joskei river, floods houses and houses collapse, and the roads run like caramel. It is a place that is stinking and dry, and poor African women frantically trying to pick up the stranded rubbish.

On the hill are two great "hostels", like prison blocks: one built for men, the other for women. Apartheid's planners designed them as cheap labor pool; everybody else was to be 'removed" from Alexandra. But the people of "Alex"as the locals call it) resisted and stayed. Mzwanele Mayekiso grew up in Alexandra, and, until recently, was head of the local branch of the the South African National Civics Association, whose boycotts and direct action during the 1980s helped to bring down the regime. "Most people over there(in Sandton), don't know we exist," he said. "I mean literally. Our women go over as domestics, our men as laborers and gardeners. No one asks where they return home to. Nothing has changed.(Pilger) Nothing has...

During Apartheid, which had created the so-called homelands", which were poor, and even where it was productive, they were potentially overcrowded to enable people to live off it. As a result, the 'Bantustan' population lived on the brink of starvation: "These people are hungry", an agricultural training officer in the MsinZulu landga district of Zululand claims. "There are people here who by all normal standards should be dead. They are alive only because their neighbors help them, in the knowledge that they might find themselves in a similar plight the next day(FM, 16.2.1979)

Thornhill Resettlement Camp, in the Ciskei, became notorious in January 1977 when a doctor revealed a large number of deaths from malnutrition among the 10,000 inhabitants, reporting that: "The babies are dying of gastroenteritis and diarrhea ... the adult deaths are attributable to malnutrition and consequent incidence of diseases like kwashiorkor, tuberculosis and pellagra". These social plagues still bedevil the poor of South Africa[see picture of white malnutrition amongst the 'Boers" of South Africa

Fanon informs us that: "The inferiorized group had admitted, since the force of reasoning was implacable, that its misfortunes resulted directly from its racial and cultural characteristics. Guilt and inferiority are the usual consequences of this dialectic. The oppressed then tries to escape these, on the one hand by proclaiming his total and unconditional adoption of the new cultural model, and on the other, by pronouncing an irreversible condemnation of his own cultural style [A little-studied phenomenon that appears at this stage]. Intellectuals, students, belonging to the dominant group, make "scientific" studies of the dominated society, its art, its ethical universe . In the universities the colonized intellectuals find their own cultural system being revealed to them. It even happens that scholars of the colonizing countries grow enthusiastic over this or that specific feature. The concepts of purity, naiveté, innocence appears to be ridiculously ever present. The native intellectual's vigilance must here be doubly on the alert] (Fanon). of whicf, as far as I can tell in our country of Mzantsi, this is still not yet the case.

Stats view

Naomi Klein offers and provided the following list of how living conditions for South African blacks now are much worse than they ever were during Apartheid:

- since 1994 under ANC governance, the number of people living on less than a $1 a day has doubled from two to four million;

- but the numbers of very wealthy Blacks driving around in expensive motor cars and living in the up market homes has risen. But are they adding value to the economy with their mainly political appointments at all levels with high salaries and jobs through affirmative action laws in Private industry? We think not, especially as there are in many cases three people doing the same job than under Apartheid;

- the unemployment rate has more than doubled to 48% from 1991-2002;

- the value of the South African currency has plummeted since the ANC took power. In the last 18 months the Rand has devalued against the Euro by nearly 40%. So not only has the number of jobs fallen, but the earnings do not buy anywhere as much as under Apartheid. But the ANC do not seem to mind as they increase their salaries and bonuses to compensate;

- only 5,000 of more then 35-million black South Africans earn over $60,000 a year; Mainly affirmative action appointments and promotions to all levels of government with salaries several times higher that the far fewer people that did the work under Apartheid;

- The ANC government has built 1.8 million (seriously ramshackle, tiny) new homes while two-million South Africans have lost theirs. Just about all the homes built under Apartheid are still standing solidly[that does not mean they are any good for African people, too];They were build by black laborers under mainly white supervision[some had no foundations, the occupants had to build it- they also did not have internal heating or sink water, with a toilet outside]. There is a scandal in SA now where thousands of occupants of the new homes built under the ANC supervision are literally falling down and mortgagees (bondees), are refusing to pay their monthly installments until they are properly repaired. An impossible task.[see the New RDP housing provided for by the ANC which people complain is crumbling on them]

- nearly one million South Africans were evicted from farms in the first decade of the 'democracy' : evicted by black, newly empowered farmers who were given 'redistributed farmland.; Many of the farms are producing 30% of what they did under the white owners, many of whom had been there [illegally?] for generations. And it is not an education problem, it is due to attitude and will power to work and succeed(The Boer Farmers exploited African farm laborers like slaves). Some farms like the one in Zebediela were given to the new owners which fell into zero by the end of the year, was one of the largest citrus fruit farm in the southern hemisphere.

- the shack -dweller(slum) population grew by 50% due to untrammeled migration from the rest of Africa; Previously under Apartheid, squatting was not allowed, so many Africans lived on their own land, which was 13% of the land mass, grew their own food and built their own "Rondavel houses". Because Apartheid viewed their birth rate as unsustainable, they engaged them in covert and overt warfare in an effort to diminish the population by giving them second rate health care, but now the health system, under the ANC, is worsening and returning to the worst times of health pre-Apartheid and the words and repressive times during Apartheid. AIDS and other diseases, violent crimes, poverty, psychiatric and social ills, among the few, are keeping the African population in check.

- in 2006, one quarter of the entire South African population [and to date], still lives in shacks without running water or electricity. When the ANC came to power, the African masses were allowed to move to the cities where they thought the homes and jobs they had been promised by the ANC would quickly appear, but they were in the main used by the ANC to populate areas where their votes could ensure whites were unable to represent their old constituencies. Now the cities are crowded with unhealthy shacks, many criminals are booming, and the are many ordinary people who are bitter that there is no work, and many Africans who have migrated into South africa from the North of Africa cause resentment amongst the locals;

- The HIV/AIDS/TB infection rate is about 20% of the entire population - and the Mbeki government shamefully denied the severity of the crisis and did little to alleviate it- consequently millions have died, and millions more are on generic antiviral medicine, and still, the number of those dying daily is rising and not abating;(but Zuma has managed to get retrovirals into thehands of the sick, to date)

- the average age life expectancy in South Africa had dropped by 13 years since 1990; this is more or less the same throughout Africa when whites left;

- 40% of all SA schools have no electricity; neither do most of the businesses and homes for hours at a time(as alluded to above). There is desperate need for new power stations but the SA government thought that new stadiums for FIFA Soccer World Cup held in 2010, from June to July, more important, as well as diverting cash for new hospitals for the same(one can see this in the newly upgraded Baragwanath Hospital, in Soweto-and some new and unfinished hospitals/clinics because of defrauded funds, New highways and other useless infrastructure which does not serve nor address the poor masses needs);

- 25% of the 46-million-plus people in South Africa have no access to clean water and most who do can't afford the cost; and the population has been swollen by the estimated 3million Zimbabweans who have fled their home country, by Nigerians who are acknowledged drug dealers and scam artists and other Africans from countries that are are looking with hope towards SA. The respect and acknowledgement by these foreigners needs to be studied thoroughly, i.e., the relations with the local Africans, without any bias or distortions;

- 60% of all the people have inadequate sanitation, and 40% have no telephones[most people in, this includes Africans who supposedly have no phones, have and use cell phones as an alternate to the house phones-of which they end up paying exorbitant fees].

The stats above give us a sense of what is really happening in South Africa and to the Africans there, who are becoming more agitated with ANC rule.

HIV/AIDS Is not in Recession

Downright Genocide

One of the many ways that Africans in South Africa are being eliminated is through HIV/AIDS. A peek at some statistics to get a grip on this reality:

"An estimated 5.6 million people are living with HIV and AIDS in South Africa in 2009, more than in any country. It is believed that in 2009 an estimated 310,000 South Africans died of AIDS. Prevalence is 17.8 percent among those aged 15-49 with some age groups being particularly affected. Almost one-in three women aged 25-29, and over a quarter of men aged 30-34, are living with HIV. HIV prevalence among those aged two and older also varies by province with the Western Cape (3.8%) and Northern Cape (5.9%) being least affected, and Mpumalanga (15.4%) and KwaZulu-Natal (15.8%) at the upper end of the scale. South Africa's HIV and AIDS epidemic has had a devastating effect on children in a number of ways. Let's Look at these statistics taken from AVERT.org:

The South African Department of Health Study, 2010

Based on its sample of 32,225 women attending 1,424 antenatal clinics across all nine provinces, the South African Department of Health Study estimates that 30.2% of pregnant women (aged 15-49) were living with HIV in 2010. Until 1998 South Africa had one of the fastest expanding epidemics in the world, but since 2006 HIV prevalence among pregnant women has remained relatively stable.

More historical prevalence figures can be found in our History of AIDS and HIV In South Africa page.

Estimated HIV prevalence (%) among antenatal clinic attendees, by province

Province:

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

KwaZulu-Natal: 33.5: 36.5: 37.5: 40.7: 39.1: 39.1: 38.7: 38.7: 39.5: 39.5

Mpumalanga: 29.2 28.6 32.6 30.8 34.8 32.1 34.6 35.5 34.7 35.1

Free State: 30.1 28.8 30.1 29.5 30.3 31.1 31.5 32.9 30.1 30.6

Gauteng: 29.8 31.6 29.6 33.1 32.4 30.8 30.5 29.9 29.8 30.4

North West: 25.2 26.2 29.9 26.7 31.8 29.0 30.6 31.0 30.0 29.6

EasternCape: 21.7 23.6 27.1 28.0 29.5 28.6 28.8 27.6 28.1 29.9

Limpopo: 14.5 15.6 17.5 19.3 21.5 20.6 20.4 20.7 21.4 21.9

North Cape: 15.9 15.1 16.7 17.6 18.5 15.6 16.5 16.2 17.2 18.4

West Cape: 8.6 12.4 13.1 15.4 15.7 15.1 15.3 16.1 16.9 18.5

National: 24.8 26.5 27.9 29.5 30.2 29.1 29.4 29.3 29.4 30.2

Provinces that recorded the highest HIV prevalence were KwaZulu-Natal (39.5%), Mpumalanga (35.1%), Free State (30.6%) and Gauteng (30.4%). The Northern Cape and Western Cape recorded the lowest prevalence at 18.4% and 18.5% respectively.Because infection rates vary between different groups of people, the findings from antenatal clinics cannot be applied directly to men, newborn babies and children. This is why South Africa has sought also to survey the general population.

The South African National HIV Survey, 2008

The National HIV Survey is a household survey. This involves sampling a proportional cross-section of society, including a large number of people from each geographical, racial and other social group. The researchers take great pains to try to make the sample as representative as possible, and the findings are later adjusted to correct for likely over- or under-representation of individual groups (according to census data).

The survey's fieldworkers visited 15,000 households across South Africa, of which 13,440 (90%) took part in the survey. Of the 23,369 people within these households who were eligible to take part, 20,826 (89%) completed an interview and 15,851 (64%) agreed to take an HIV test.

Based on this survey, the researchers estimate that 10.9% of all South Africans over 2 years old were living with HIV in 2008. In 2002 and 2005, this figure was 11.4% and 10.8%, respectively, showing a degree of stabilisation. Among those between 15 and 49 years old, the estimated HIV prevalence was 16.9% in 2008. The survey found the prevalence among children aged 2-14 to be 2.5%, down significantly since 2002, when prevalence was 5.6%.

Estimated HIV prevalence (%) among South Africans aged 2 years and older, by age, 2002-2008

Age:2002: 2005: 2008:

Children (2-14 years) 5.6: 3.3: 2.5

Youth (15-24 years): 9.3: 10.3: 8.7

Adults (25 and older) 15.5: 15.6: 16.8:

15-49 year olds 15.6: 16.9:2: 16.9

Total (2 and older) 11.4: 10.8: 10.9

Estimated HIV prevalence among South Africans, by age and sex, 2008

Age Male prevalence %Female prevalence %-

2-14 yrs: 3.0: 2.0

15-19 yrs: 2.5: 6.7:

20-24 yrs: 5.1: 21.1

25-29 yrs: 15.7: 32.7

30-34 yrs: 25.8: 29.1

35-39 yrs: 18.5: 24.8

40-44 yrs: 19.2: 16.3

45-49 yrs: 6.4: 14.1

50-54 yrs: 10.4: 10.2

55-59 yrs: 6.2: 7.7

60+ yrs: 3.5: 1.8

Tota: l7.9: 13.6

Among females, HIV prevalence is highest in those between 25 and 29 years old; among males, the peak is in the group aged 30-34 years.

HIV prevalence (%) by province 2002-2008

Province:

KwaZulu-Natal: For the years: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 11.7: 16.5: 15.8

Mpumalanga: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 14.1: 15.2: 15.4

Free State: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 14.9: 12.6: 12.6

North West: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 10.3: 10.9: 1.3

Gauteng: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 14.7: 10.8: 10.3

Eastern Cape: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 6.6: 8.9: 9.0

Limpopo: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 9.8: 8.0: 8.8

Northern Cape: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 8.4: 5.4: 5.9

Western Cape: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 10.7: 1.9: 3.8

National: 2002: 2005: 2008: - 11.4: 10.8 10.9

The results of this study suggest that KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumulanga and Free State have the highest HIV prevalence. However, the relatively small sample sizes may limit precision, and in several cases the ranges of uncertainty overlap.

HIV prevalence by population group, 2008

Population group Prevalence (%)

African -13.6: White - 0.3: - Coloured: - 1.7: - Indian - 0.3

Studies of AIDS deaths

All reported deaths

In November 2010, Statistics South Africa published the report 'Mortality and causes of death in South Africa, 2008'. This large document contains tables of how many people died from each cause according to death notification forms.

The report reveals that the annual number of deaths rose by a massive 93% between 1997 and 2006. Among those aged 25-49 years, the rise was 173% in the same nine-year period. Part of the overall increase is due to population growth. However, this does not explain the disproportionate rise in deaths among people aged 25 to 49 years.

Reported deaths from all causes, 1997 to 2008

Year of death: Age (years): Total:

0-9yrs: 10-24yrs: 25-49yrs: 50+yrs: Unspecified: Total

1997: 35,459: 22,698: 93,159: 160,239: 5,577: 317,132:

1998: 41,183: 25,873: 114,711: 178,979: 5,107; 365,853:

1999: 41,859: 27,766: 130,415: 179,072: 2,708: 381,820:

2000: 42,873: 29,761: 151,374: 189,930: 2,217: 416,155:

2001: 44,947: 31,586: 174,066: 202,359: 1,924: 454,882:

2002: 50,844: 34,593: 202,359: 212,217: 2,037: 502,050:

2003: 56,879: 37,712: 230,925: 228,459: 2,804: 556,779:

2004: 63,350: 38,720: 246,259: 225,290: 3,090: 576,709:

2005: 68,206: 38,791: 253,262: 234,595: 3,277: 598,131:

2006: 69,912: 39,526: 253,923: 248,053: 1,364: 612,778:

2007: 66,898: 37,869: 245,754: 251,351: 1,222: 603,094:

2008: 65,646 36,504 237,036: 251,919 968 592,073

2007: 66,898 37,869: 245,754: 251,351: 1,222: 603,094:

2008: 65,646 36,504 237,036: 251,919: 968 592,073

'07/'08 difference-1.9%- 3.6%- 3.5%0. 2% -- 1.8% -

The influence of population growth can be removed by looking at death rates per 100,000 people, which are provided by Statistics South Africa in another report called 'Adult mortality (age 15-64) based on death notification data in South Africa: 1997-2004'. These data show that between 1997 and 2004, the death rate among men aged 30-39 more than doubled, while that among women aged 25-34 more than quadrupled. The changes are even more pronounced when deaths from natural causes only are examined. Over the same period there was relatively little change in the death rates among people aged over 55 and those aged 15-20. In their report, Statistics South Africa call such developments "astounding", "alarming" and "disturbing".

Misclassification

In 2006, HIV was recorded as a cause of death in only 14,783 cases. However, according to researchers from the Medical Research Council of South Africa (MRC), this figure is a massive underestimate, because the majority of deaths due to HIV are misclassified.

People whose deaths are caused by HIV are not killed by the virus alone, but HIV should be recorded as an underlying cause if it initiated the chain of morbid events leading directly to death. In other words, if someone contracts tuberculosis and dies from it because their immune system has been weakened by HIV then HIV should be included among the underlying causes. The MRC researchers claim that in many cases, this does not happen; instead, the doctor records only the immediate cause of death such as tuberculosis or respiratory infection. This could be because the doctor does not know the deceased person's HIV status. Alternatively, they may seek to conceal HIV infection to spare stigmatisation of relatives, or to avoid invalidating life insurance claims. As The Lancet notes, authorities are largely to blame:

“Social stigma associated with HIV/AIDS, tacitly perpetuated by the Government's reluctance to bring the crisis into the open and face it head on, prevents many from speaking out about the causes of illness and deaths of loved ones and leads doctors to record uncontroversial diagnoses on death certificates.... The South African Government needs to stop being defensive and show backbone and courage to acknowledge and seriously tackle the HIV/AIDS crisis of its people.”

The MRC team analysed a 12% sample of death certificate data from the year 2000-2001, and compared it to all the data from 1996. When they looked at deaths for which HIV was a reported cause, they saw that rates (deaths per thousand) had increased according to a distinctive age-specific pattern. The greatest increases were in the age groups 0-4 and 25-49 years, while death rates among teenagers and older people remained more or less unchanged.

The researchers observed that nine other causes of death had increased substantially according to the same distinct age pattern as HIV. They then estimated how much of the increases were likely to be caused by HIV, and concluded that 61% of deaths related to HIV had been wrongly attributed to other causes in 2000-2001. In adults, tuberculosis accounted for 43% of misclassified deaths, and lower respiratory infections for another 32%. Among infants, most of the excess deaths had been misclassified as lower respiratory diseases or diarrhoeal diseases. According to the MRC results, HIV caused the deaths of 53,185 men aged 15-59 years, 59,445 women aged 15-59 years, and 40,727 children under 5 years old in the year 2000-2001.

Other recent estimates

A computer model made by the Actuarial Society of South Africa, called ASSA2008 calculated that the number of people who died of AIDS declined from an estimated 257,000 in 2005 to 194,000 in 2010. The figure for 2010 was significantly less than was estimated by the ASSA2003 model (388,000 AIDS deaths). This decline in estimated AIDS mortality is believed to be due to antiretroviral treatment being more widely available.

UNAIDS estimate that AIDS claimed 310,000 lives in 2009 - almost 850 every day

Comparing the prevalence studies

It is possible to compare the results of the National HIV Survey 2008 with those of the Department of Health Study 2008 (as listed in the 2010 study).

HIV prevalence according to the Department of Health Study 2008:

  • 29.3% amongst antenatal clinic attendees (aged 15-49 years)

HIV prevalence according to the National HIV Survey 2008:

  • 10.0-11.9% in the whole population (10.9% is the best estimate)
  • 15.5-18.4% amongst all people aged 15-49 years old (16.9% is the best estimate).

The rates found among pregnant women are significantly higher that those found among all adults - so why could this be?

Limitations of the Department of Health Study

Antenatal surveillance is internationally recognised as the most useful way of assessing HIV prevalence in countries with generalised epidemics. Pregnant women are sexually active and constitute an easily identifiable, accessible and stable population. They are more likely than any other single group to be representative of the general adult population. Nevertheless, there are a number of limitations to the Department of Health's technique.

The greatest difference between the two studies concerns prevalence among women aged 15-19 years old, for which the antenatal survey produces a rate much higher than the household survey (14.1% compared to 6.7%). This is, at least in part, probably because not all young women are sexually active, and those represented in the antenatal data are by definition engaging in unprotected sex, which puts them at higher risk of HIV infection. Overestimation of HIV prevalence in this age group is a known bias in antenatal studies.

It is possible that overestimation occurs in older age groups as well, particularly as those who use condoms or abstain from sex stand less chance of both HIV infection and pregnancy. On the other hand, underestimation might also occur: for example, studies have shown that HIV lowers fertility.

Limitations of the National HIV Survey

The advantage of the National HIV Survey is that it can give a better idea of HIV prevalence levels among men, children and non-sexually active women. The survey also recorded a vast amount of other data besides the age and location of respondents (most of which is beyond the scope of this page), including information on race, wealth and education. Participants were also interviewed about factors that might influence their risk of HIV infection, such as behaviour, knowledge and risk awareness.

Although the study attempted to survey as representative a population sample as possible, it recognises that some groups were excluded. Only people living in homes or hostels were contacted, so there was no representation of homeless people and those living in police and army barracks, prisons hospitals and educational institutions. This probably resulted in underestimation of some prevalence figures. Additionally, by excluding all children below 2 years of age (because they cannot be reliably tested for HIV using antibody tests), the survey missed a significant proportion of children who acquired HIV from their mothers. The survey's design also meant some groups that may be of particular interest for the understanding of the epidemic could not be captured in sufficient numbers, including men who have sex with men, injecting drug users and sex workers.

The survey had also had a fairly high rate of non-response with just 64% of all eligible participants agreeing to an HIV test. The effect of non-response on accuracy is uncertain. It is difficult to conclude whether those who refuse to be tested are more or less likely to have HIV. The only certain effect of the low response rate is that it increases uncertainty.7

The National HIV Survey is the the third of its kind to be conducted across the whole of South Africa.

The above Statistics were taken from AVERT.org.

AIDS in not in Recession-Stats Speak!

From the statistics above, one gets to have a much more clearer pattern of how HIV/AIDS is affecting Africans more Looking at HIV prevalence among the antenatal clinic attendees by province, one can see an increase amongst Africans than any other ethnic groups in South Africa. This has been elaborated upon, form a historical perspective on the genesis of the disease by The Congressional Research Service states that: "South Africa is believed to have the largest HIV/AIDS epidemic in the world, with almost six million people living with the disease. According to the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS)) an estimated 18.1% of South African adults, aged between 15-49, were HIV positive in 2007, the most recent year for which the figures are available.

UNAIDS also reports that as many as 280,000 children under the age of 15 were HIV positive that year. AIDS is the leading cause of premature death in South Africa, and the number of AIDS-related deaths there in 2007, some 350,000, was more than double that reported for Nigeria, which has the second highest global mortality figure at 170,000 death but almost three times South Africa's population. Approximately 1.4 million children in the country have been orphaned by the disease As these figures show, (See the Map in the picture gallery), the situation is grave."

The report goes on deeper into the history and genesis of the HIV/AIDS disease by stating: "Thabo Mbeki's stance on HIV/AIDS was a major political issue in South Africa during his teure. Critics maintain that the former President's ambiguous statement about the disease and lack of leadership on the issue diverted attention and funding from the pandemic at a critical time. In 2000, President Mbeki wrote to the then-President Clinton and other heads of state defending dissident scientist who maintain that AiDS is not cause by the HIV virus.

In 2001, he rejected appeals that the National Assembly declare that the AiDS pandemic a national emergency. In 2002, President Mbeki drew criticism from the media and other for reportedly insisting that tuberculosis rather than AiDS was the leading cause of death in South Africa, even though the country's Medical Research Council had reported that Aids was the leading cause, accounting for 40% of mortality among adults aged 15-29. The reasons for Mbeki's stance on AIDS have been difficult to discern. Some speculate that he feared that AIDS could undermine his vision of South Africa as a leader in African Renaissance sparked by NEPAD and the African Union and thus tended to minimize the importance of the epidemic."

We are further informed by the Congressional Service Report that: "The Mbeki government gradually modified its stance on HIV/AIDS under mounting domestic and international pressure. In 2002, the government announced that it would triple the national AIDS budget, end official opposition to the provision of antiretrovirals for rape victims, and launch a program for universal access to drugs to prevent mother-to-child transmission (MTCT) of HIV. That year, a South African court ordered the government to begin providing the antiretroviral (ARV) drug Nevirapine nationwide to reduce MTCT.

The South African Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) had launched the suit in 2001, maintaining that MTCT prevention trials were inadequate and that 20,000 babies could be saved yearly by a nationwide program. At its 2002 party conference the ANC announced that it was putting AIDS at the top of its agenda. The Department of Health in 2003 declared that the government began providing treatment at five hospitals in 2004 and has gradually expanded access to the program. Reports suggest that access to treatment for those with advanced HIV has since increased significantly, from only 4% of those in need receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART) in 2004 to 21% in 2006 and over 30% in 2008."

The Congressional Research Service finally offers the following scathing indictment of the South African government under Mbeki: "Despite this commitment by the government to providing ART, many critics still did not consider the Mbeki Administration to be serious about the epidemic. In August 2006, then Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang drew international criticism for a controversial display of traditional remedies such as garlic, lemons, and beetroot, which she reportedly claimed provided an alternative defense to AIDS, at the International AIDS Conference in Toronto.

Stephan Lewis, the U.N. Special Envoy to Africa on AIDS, proclaimed South Africa's AIDs policies as "wrong, immoral, and indefensible" and "worthy of a lunatic fringe" during the conference, and 81 international scientists delivered a petition to Mbeki urging the health minister's dismissal.. Many observers consider the Toronto Conference to have prompted a key shift in the government's decision. Weeks after the conference, Mbeki appointed his Deputy President, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, as head of a new national AIDS commission charged with halving the country's infection rate by 2011. She emphasized that the did believe that HIV cause AIDS and acknowledged "shortcomings" in the government's response to the epidemic.

The government also reached out to the AIDS advocacy community, which responded with cautious optimism. TAC, the most vocal critic of the Mbeki Administration's efforts, was cited in the 2006 saying that there was now a "growing enthusiasm, across the board, around the possibility of what we can do as a country in a unified fashion" to combat the disease. However, TAC again questioned Mbeki's commitment to fighting the epidemic after the August 2007 firing of Tshabalala-Msimang's deputy, who was outspoken about problems with the nation's health services of the Health Minister's controversial views on AIDS. Although experts believe the country's prevalence rates have begun to stabilize,

The South African government still faces many challenges in its response to HIV/AIDS. The emergence of extensively drug resistant tuberculosis XDR-TB) high rates of HIV/TB co-infection, and significant HIV prevalence rates among health care workers major strains on the health care system. AIDS activists responded positively to then-President Motlanthe's appointment of a new health minister, Barbara Hogan. She was replaced by President Zuma with Aaron Motsoaledi, who in late 2009 appeared to publicly link the doubling of South Africa's death rate in the last decade, largely due to AIDS, to the Mbeki Administration's policies on the epidemic.

President Zuma, in a speech on December 1, 2009, World AiDS Day, announced a nationwide campaign to encourage all South Africans to be tested for HIV by April 2010. He also pledged that ART would be more readily available to pregnant women and those with both TB and HIV, and that a larger number of health clinics would be prepared to provide counseling, testing, and, where possible, treatment. Activists praised the President(Zuma), who has made some controversial personal choices in the past, for his speech and his proposed policies, commending the government's "new-found commitment to fighting HIV/AiDS in an open, serious, and evidence-based manner."

The second paragraph under the heading "Limitations of the National HIV Survey above, makes up for the people that are unknown and it is clear from this very point that we are dealing here with a large number of unaccounted-for AIDS victims and that will necessary take us to ten million and above of number of people living and being killed by AIDS. And the article concludes by stating that: "In such a large and diverse country as South Africa, no-one can know exactly what the true figures are. What is essential is that the limitations of each study acknowledged whenever their results are interpreted."

When one views and studies the stats provided by AVERT.org, women are the most Affected per province or under the gender categories. Children are extensively affected per province or as an age category. Those from 15-56 are worst affected, and it is strange that fewer men are affected than women. Nonetheless, it is important to look at the overall number of affected people living with AiDS, approximated to 5,million, and at the same time remember that there are some cases which are not reported and are not accounted for in the stats by AVERT.org, that add up to the close to 6 million affected people in South Africa. It is the games that the government and the elite play against their polity, justifying their ignorance whilst killing millions of their bretheren. According to AVERT.org: "UNAIDS estimates that AIDS claimed 310,000 lives in 2009 - almost 850 a day." If this is not an extinction of African South Africans, then what is?

A Bevy of Laws to be Broken

In the API of 2007, it was reported thus: "The ruling African National Congress (ANC) Friday expressed concern about the endemic corrupt and unethical behavior among its leadership and other members in business. In a draft discussions document titled "Revolutionary Morality and Ethics," which was released on Friday stated that "the ANC does not act in time or firmly in cases of corruption, even when comrades have admitted guilt. A consequence of this is the embarrassment of people while in office. In this draft document, the ANC said for those leaders and those not in government, there should be punitive measures, applied on time and firmly, which they hoped would a deterrent to deviant behavior. This apparently has not been carried out nor is the case, yet.

The ruling party(ANC) noted that those caught for corrupt practices are frustrating the 'organization' by taking advantage of the lengthy judicial process[this has been proven false when we witnessed the fast-tracked judiciary at work, efficiently, during the World Cup with the quick assemblage and creation of 24 hour courts which were passing decisions in matters of days-3 to 5 at most]. This is how the Draft Document stated it this way: "Things drift. (which?) Problems are exacerbated rather than contained. The name of the organization is dragged through the mud. Cadres learn ways of dragging issues and make use of the country's legal process to delay, if not frustrate, the movement's own processes. We rely exclusively on the disciplinary committee of the movement." The error one can see here is that the ANC did not regard itself as representing a majority of African South Africa, although the majority voted them into power in the first place.

The ANC says that despite having set up institutions such as the Public Protector, and formulated laws and regulations to curb corruption, there are still loopholes in dealing with members who do not hold public office, [and there's a delay in dealing those who are in government]. The challenge is enforcement was that it relied on various mechanisms for encouraging ethical rules. Even though the ANC has significant influence on enforcement instruments, there is no proper coordination between the party and the Parliament. This is one of the dysfunctions of this new democracy, whereby the organization(ANC) says it will develop guidelines for its members and leaders and more to the top six officials, modeled along the executive ethics and rules that regulate cabinet members and other interests. For government officials and public servants, the ANC suggests a cooling-off period to prevent them from pursuing business interests in the same field, but propose "adequate compensation" for loss of opportunity (African press). This has not deterred corruption and thievery witnessed by the disgruntled poor Africans and Whites and this has wide and damaging effects on the ruled in a myriad ways.

Understanding Corruption The South African Way

A 2010 Public Service Commission report stated that "corruption in an increasingly insidious problem in SouthAfrica, as reflected in the latest Transparency International corruption perception index report, also released this eek. South Africa scored 4.5 out of 10 on the index and was placed 54 out of 146 countries. In 2007 it was placed 43 out of 170 countries, with a score of 5.1. It scored 4.9 in 2008 and 4.7 in 2009. It was found out that "capacity to follow up on these cases and investigate them is lacking" in departments. It painted a bleak picture of the effectiveness of structures created to fight corruption.

It is said the Anti-Corruption Coordinating Committee (ACCC), formed in 2002 and convened by the public service department with representatives from 18 key departments and agencies, including the National Intelligence Agency, National Treasury and revenue service, still had to prioritize the coordination of "measures to build the minimum anti-corruption capacity of departments. This is a pressing priority for the government, which will undoubtedly require resources and close monitoring."

The commission's report goes on to state that: "The "synergy" between structures such as the ACCC and the National Anti-Corruption forum needs improvement. 1,024 cases of financial misconduct were reported in 2008/09, compared with 8686 in 2007/08. A key challenge is that some public servants ... implicated in acts of financial misconduct resign before disciplinary hearings can be conducted and then accept appointments in other departments. This has been difficult to detect because departments operated "in silos": no governmental and interdepartmental coordinatoin.

Fikile Mbalula, the then Deputy Minister of Police(Now Minister of Sports), says there is nothing wrong with wealth but there is "everything wrong" with what he terms "wealth exhibition". Can I as a politician in government have the luxury of driving a Ferrari in the streets of Soweto? What am I saying to our people." When asked by the Mail & Guardian if the politician driving his or her Ferrari in the streets of Soweto was indicator of the economic gap that existed between those in power and those who vote for for those in power, Mbalula was less clear. "When we talk about wealth exhibition it goes back to the issue of revolutionary morality and the question of values. It does not mean that you are fake; you have a Ferrari parked at home and when you go to Soweto you go with a Corolla because you are a politician. The fundamental question starts with what guides you consciously as a person".

Mbalula said equating wealth to corruption was problematic as the capitalist system produced "business people and capitalist bourgeoisie. He further explained that preconceived ideas of the country's battle against corruption-such as that it only happens in the public sector - would have to change. Mbalula said that "it does not mean that those among the wealthy, in particular Black and African, are corrupt by definintion. In fact, Blacks in this country in the stock exchange account for less than 5%, if not 5%, of wealth and this economy is still white-male dominate."

Mbalula added that it wasn't wrong for ANC members "to partake in tendering for government", but it was wrong for anybody in the tendering process to do a shoddy job, then take cover in the name of the ANC and the revolution. That is corruption and corruption knows no color." A member of the audience commented that the ANC hadn't taken decisive measures to deal with the motive of its own members. "Since 1990 many people have joined the ANC to get job and tenders. They are not joining the ANC for revolution, democratic revolution. They have no idea what you are talking about," the audience member pointed out.(Mail&Guardianonline) A brief look at the Tender situation will be in order below.

The Bungling of The Poor's Services

The New System Now Means "The Community Condition"

The Times - The Sunday Times's Jonathan Clayton) inh is article titled "'Tenderitis' At Root of ANC Corruption Problem in South Africa" informs us thus: ""It is called "Tenderitis". It has swept through the ruling African National Congress - if critics are to be believed - is threatening the body politic of South Africa. A whole generation of politicians has grown fat from the disease, which involves awarding lucrative contracts to friends,colleagues, fellow party members and family - regardless of their ability to do the job. When money is set aside for a specific task, companies are set up at short notice in that field.

They then tender for the work and, despite their lack of any experience in that subject, win the contract. At municipal level, where it is rampant, it has led to construction of low-cost houses with leaking roofs and toilets that do not work[see picture gallery]. In 2009, Tokyo Sexwale, then the Housing Minister, one of the new black "instant potentates", said that about 40,000 shoddy houses nationwide would have to be demolished at a cost of 90-million pounds to the government. - About 10 per cent of the housing budget. [Most of the material that was to be used was sold throughout the township, and it is one underreported illicit trade].And yet one sees the growth of tin-shack dwellers and slums on the rise, despite the promise to build more homes.

Tokyo called the issue a "national disgrace" . Other cases involved road and school building, and the provision of goods and services for local government. At national level, such "insider dealing" may involve huge consultancy fees to friends, or the issue of public funds for private purposes - from transport to entertainment. In one case, the head of the South African Airways had to resign after awarding the lucrative contract to a company recently set up by his wife and some friends.

Since virtually every top job is a political appointment - the result of positive discrimination to reverse the effects of decades of Apartheid - the ANC is involved in every shady deals. In another case, a ministry of Transport offshoot signed a multimillion-pound, ten year lease on nine office buildings when only two were in use. Like most African states, South Africa is finding the second decade of independence much harder to handle than the first. At the center of the problem lies corruption, nepotism and cronyism.

The ANC, which enjoys near- monopoly on power(which is now in doubt), has attracted a set of young, self-seeking members who have little in common with those who fought the long, principles struggle against apartheid. At the same time a liberation movement - which at its peak brought together liberals, Stalinists, romantics, thugs and idealists, and where loyalty was paramount - has found it difficult to take action against its own and adapt to a modern democratic society[see the Sechaba pictures in the gallery].

"There is a feeling in the ANC that whose who sacrificed their entire professional lives for the movement deserve to be looked after," Allister Sparks, a veteran journalist and political commentator, told The Times that some went inside, or into exile, in their 20s and came back in their late 50s ... The problem is it is easy to subvert that attitude into something else." (Clayton)

Corrupt and incompetent ministers rarely resign. The movement which is racked by internal rivalries and tensions, simply moves them sideways. "All we ever see in this country is musical chairs ... but it is our money they are wasting. We have every right to ask them what is going on and - because we are black - they can't play the race card against us," said Kgomotso Matsunayane, who hosts an early morning radio show popular with black listeners. Since President Zuma, himself a populist tainted by corruption charges, took office in 2009, the teeming townships have erupted into what are called "service delivery protests"[these have spilled-over into 2010, right up to the last month of December 2010-all the way to the now ending 2012].

Angry residents have stoned local ANC offices, torched homes of mayors, erected barricades and fought running battles with the security forces, reminiscent of the dark days towards the end of Apartheid. This has also been happening int he months from after the World cup to the writing of this hub, and are going to carry on to 2011 and beyond] People see the lavish lifestyle of these politicians have, and are angry. The country is definitely at a crossroads, said Matsunyane a vociferous and active critic of the ANC-led government. The ANC, which last year suffered the biggest breakaway in its history[by a group of former ANC members calling themselves COPE], or since the formation of the PAC-was left teetering a bit.

The unions and their communist allies want what they call "lifestyle audits", including ministers - an issue which threatens to spark an internal war. Local elections are going to take place next year(2011), and many analysts predict that the ANC is in for a bruising. [I doubt, although they might not win with their usual margin- I predict]. Some locals feel those that are decent within the movement are incapable of recapturing the movement; others are desperately looking and calling for an opposition party, badly and quickly.

Although DA is there, it is the party what was known as the Nationalist Party in the Apartheid era, and is involved in its own corruption and bad governance of the poor peoples lives and expectations in their own wards]. In the interim, we will look at the challenge faced by people with some of the investment(in the agribusiness) by companies that are really destroying the lives of poor people and farmers. The poor people also face companies like Monsanto which is destroying their food sources and production and leading to serious shortages of the staple crops by the little and big farmers; it is also causing some illnesses and loss of seeds for the farmers.

Monsanto Faces Rising Grassroots Opposition

In 2002, the South African government, in partnership with U.S.-based biotech firm, Monsanto, launched the so-called Massive Food Production Program (MFFP) in the country's Eastern Cape Province. The Eastern Cape is characterized by a dual economy in which the western half of the province(previously white SouthAfrica under Apartheid) is dominated by commercial agriculture while the Eastern half consists of subsistence agriculture. After the advent of democracy in 1994, there was tremendous pressure to develop the rural economy here.

MFFP is a "flagship program" of the South African government designed to bring about agrarian transformation through a "green revolution." The program operates by by granting subsidies (which are phased out over time) and credit the small farming communities to purchase fertilizers, pesticides and GM hybrid seeds. Through MFFP, Monsanto has essentially been elevated to the status of a government "extension agency" responsible for educating and training farmers GM seeds and technologies. Of course, as a private company, they are unlikely to share with farmers the potentially disastrous effects of planting their land with GM crops.

Rather, they advise the farmers to buy and use the recommended agrochemicals. They also instruct them to plant only GM maize, as a monoculture, instead of intercropping with beans or pumpkins as they have done for centuries to ensure their food security[See pictures in the gallery]. A farmer paid to mentor an MFPP community acknowledged that the cost of the inputs was just too high for small farmers to afford on their own, without continuing to amass debt. He was quoted as saying he was "tempted to tell farmers to just buy food with money" as their losses would be less than growing food themselves through MFPP.(Siqwana-Ndulo)

The constitution of South Africa, hailed as one of the most progressive in the world, obligates the government to take steps to protect its government and people. As part of the consumer protection Act, the government is indeed drafting policies to regulate GMSs, but many NGOs say it is unclear who will implement and monitor these regulations. Despite claims that there have been no substantiated threats to human and animal health cause d by GM crops, subsistence who participated in the MFPP project testified to the contrary in a workshop held by the NGO Biowatch(SA). A farmer from the organization Siyazakha expressed her dismay of the quality of "mielies produced are making us sick; they break easily and are bad quality. When we give it to our chickens it affects them, we want to grow our own seed and protect them[the seeds and the chickens]."

SKETCHES OF SOUTH AFRICA

The Way Forward Or the One going Backwards

The Pecking Order

If Wikileaks by Asange are anything to go by, they tie in well with the the "Confession of the Economic Hit man" by John Perkings, which is surely a synthetic synergy of what has been discussed above about Corporatocacy. Another interesting factoid adding up to these systems found in the Documentary "The Coca Cola Case"(April 15, 2005) is that over 4,000 unionists were murdered since 1986, in Guatemala, 8 union leaders were murdered, in a row and in the 70s; this also happened in India Mexico and so forth, wherein we learn about the coordinated effort between multi-corporations, military and paramilitary warfare and wherein Western governments were involved in the assassination of union leaders, in Colombia and throughout the world. Coca Cola was painted over the art made by the students in the Orlando Power Stations electric pipes to announce their presence in earnest, At present there are 14 cases against international multi-corporations in U.S. courts. The saga goes on and on of corporate muscling any local opposition movements in order to increase its profits and government take over of the poor democracies throughout the world.

U.S. reasons for wanting to control the Third world are to some extent circular. Third world resources are required in part to guarantee military production, and increased military production is required in part to maintain and expand U.S. control over Third world resources.... instrumental goals eventually come to be seen as ends in themselves. Initially the pursuit of overseas bases is justified by the need to maintain stability, defend friendly countries from communist aggression, [today to defend against terrorism/or muslims radicals] - in other words, to subjugate and control the Third World; but, eventually, the need to establish and maintain overseas bases becomes one of the reasons for wanting to subjugate and control the Third world. (Jeff McMahan)

In order for us to understand the pecking order - which countries are being impoverished in what order, though not precise- would give us a sense of what Africa and South Africans Africans are facing in their endeavors to upgrade their lot. A three-apart series published in the New York Times on the contemporary economic and social world of Africa titled,"Survival Test: Can Africa Rebound?" (6/19, 6/20, 6/21/94) provides a very sketchy description of Africa's overall economic situation, in one citation taken from the three-apart series whose dates are listed above:

"It is hard to exaggerate the depth of Africa's economic crisis. Consider this fact: Excluding South Africa, [of which I have partially filled in the minor gaps to this point within the Hub] the 1991 gross national product of all countries south of the Sahara - a swath of the globe that is home to almost 600 million people - was about the same as the gross national product of Belgium, with a population of 10 million. Eighteen of the world's 20 poorest countries are African, and 30 of the poorest 40. Caught in a downward cycle that began with the oil price explosion of the 1970 and then accelerated with the plunge of the commodities markets, they are getting poorer still.

Per capita G.N.P. declined by 2% a year throughout the 1980's.Their debt, tripled since 1980s, now amounts to over $180 billion. The debt burden - caused by borrowing to keep budgets afloat and to pay for imports - is so gigantic (amounting to 110 percent of G.N.P. in 1991) that virtually no one thinks the sum can ever be repaid. Just servicing it costs the poor countries $10 billion every year - four times more than they all spend on health and education.

Africa's share of world trade has fallen below 4 percent and is now closer to 2 percent. That is so marginal it is almost as if the continent has curled up and disappeared from the map of international shipping lanes and airline routes that rope together Europe, North America and the booming Far East. Direct foreign investment in Africa is so paltry it is not even measured in the latest World Bank study. But we also know that Africa is the Breadbasket of the World economy, although it is being left out of the World bank studies as if it does not trade with the imperial countries and it is insignificant." (NYT)

In its study of Africa, the New York Times concludes that "In more general terms, if the most optimistic growth forecasts prove accurate, it will take 40 years for African countries to regain the per capital income level they reached in the mid-70s." The times continued at length to inform us that: "The countries south of the Sahara, the traditional division between Black Africans and the Arab world, have turned in a decade and more of devastatingly bad economic performance. The economic failure is undercutting a drive for political liberalization, raising ethnic rivalries to a dangerous level and forcing countries to impose politically inflammatory austerity programs, often under the dictates of Western financial institutions. But most of all it is spreading misery. In living standards, Africa is falling behind the rest of the world.

It is now the only continent where most people are getting poorer and where health and education are deteriorating [If one were to understand the policies of the IMF/World Bank working in tandem throughout Africa, one becomes better informed and sees the whole mosaic and collective draconian applications of oppression and depression on the poor countries in a much more cogent and coherent, understanding and holistic analytic way].

As political changes similar to those that shook Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union some decades ago, now reverberate in Africa [the most recent revolutions in North Africa and he so-called Middle East], and Africans seem more concerned about the social and welfare problems caused by the economic decline. The views emerged during scores of interviews in the course of a six-week trip through nine countries in East, West and Southern Africa. Overall, sub-Sharan's population of 600 million people could reach 1.6 billion by the year 2030."

The article in the New York Times conclusively continues, "The danger in such growth is that economies have to move full steam ahead just to avoid standing still. And in Africa they hardly moved at all; in the 1980's per capita income declined by almost 2 percent a year leaving everyone except for a tiny elite significantly poorer by the end of the decade. According to a World Bank report in 1992, some 200 million Africans south of the Sahara - more than one out of three - now live in "absolute poverty," meaning they are unable to meet their most basic needs. Some studies predict that half of the population will be in poverty by the end of the century. In terms of health and food production, the 1980's were catastrophic. Because of war, drought and degradation of the soil through desert encroachment[desertification] - combined with the damage wrought by policies that worked against making agriculture profitable - overall food production dropped to a level 20 percent below that of in 1970. The downward trend continued into 1983. Per capita cereal production fell in 18 of the poorest African countries last year, by more than five percent in nine of them.... "the overall status of children is getting worse in sub-Saharan Africa," said Djibril Diallo, deputy director of public affairs for United Nations Children's Fund. "We have 10,000 children dying everyday from preventable causes. And another 10,000 crippled for life. So every 24 hours, 20,000 children are being wasted. What future is there for the continent?.... In terms of education, Unicef calls the 1980's a "lost decade." Expenditure per student declined by about one third, primary school enrollment fell from 79 percent to 67 percent and an estimated one third of all college graduates left the continent, according to the figures from the United Nations Development Program and the African Development Bank. Ghana was facing a crisis because an insufficient number of secondary school students passed exams to qualify for college." The same negative conditions outlined above are functioning effectively in the newly ANC-led African democracy in South Africa today.

New Ways of Seeing And Knowing

Understanding Colonial Racist Cultural Imperialism

There is no question that many if not most African leaders have squandered [in South Africa, they are still squandering it with impunity], the admittedly few but crucial opportunities for positive change they have had and presently have. There is little excuse for the mismanagement of their economies and their debts by many African governments, as difficult and heavy as they may be. A Ghanaian, and associate professor of economics at American university, in Washington, D.C., contends that:

"According to African elites, ... the causes of Africa's problems are forever external: western colonization and imperialism, the effects of the Slave trade, exploitation by multinational corporations, the injustice of the international economic system, inadequate flows of foreign aid and now "marginalization." But a new and angry generation of Africans reject the claptrap and lay greater emphasis on internal factors: misguided leadership, systematic corruption, economic mismanagement, senseless civil wars, tyranny and flagrant violations of human rights and sense of decency.

"Because Africans were lacking in experience of pre-conquest sovereignty in Africa, were trained in colonial schools to accept a Eurocentric version version of history that at best ignored but more often condemned pre-conquest Africa, and were indoctrinated into the view that Europe was civilization and Africa barbarism, it is not surprising that their criticism of the imperial order that created them was not founded on the issue of sovereignty of African polities but on what they thought was promised to all the citizens of the empire, but was in practice denied them." One of their members eloquently expressed the view that shaped their brand of anti-colonialism. "People can say what they want," declared Samuel Chiponde in 1925, "but to the African mind, to imitate Europeans is civilization." This is still the problem that South Africans face in various facets of their lives trying to forge a nation submerged in the view explained above by Samuel Chiponde-in the case of African South Africans-Apartheid.

Frantz Fanon writes: "Racism, as we have seen, is only one element of a vaster whole: that of the systemized oppression of a people. We witness the destruction of cultural values,of ways of life. Language, dress, techniques, are devalorized. Such attempts deliberately leave out of account the special character of the colonial situation. In reality, the nations that undertake a colonial war have no concern for the confrontation of cultures. The enslavement, in the strictest sense, of the native population is the prime necessity. For this its systems of reference have to be broken. Expropriation, spoliation, raids, objectives are matched by the sacking of cultural patterns, or at least condition such sacking. The social panorama is destructed; values are flaunted, crushed, emptied. Racism is not the whole but the most visible, the most day-to-day and, not to mince matters, the crudest element of a given structure.To study the relations of racism and culture is to raise the question of their reciprocal action. If culture is the combination of motor and mental behavior patterns arising from the encounter of man with nature and with his fellow-man, it can be said that racism is indeed a cultural element. There are thus cultures with racism and cultures without racism. The precise cultural element, however, has not become encysted. Racism has not managed to harden. It had to renew itself, to adapt itself, to change its appearance. It has had to undergo the fate of the cultural whole that it informed it."

The Vulgar, primitive, over-simple racism purported to find in biology - the Scriptures having proved insufficient - the material basis of the doctrine. It would be tedious to recall the efforts then undertaken; the comparative form of the skulls, the quantity and the configuration of the fold of the brain, the characteristics of the cell layers of the cortex, the dimensions of the vertebrae,the microscopic appearance of the epiderm, etc... Intellectual and emotional primitivism appeared as a banal consequence, a recognition of existence. Racism, as we have seen, is only one element of a vaster whole: that of the systemized oppression of a people. thus, colonialism is not a type of individual relations but the conquest of a national territory and the oppression of a people: that is all. It is not a certain type of human behavior or a pattern of relations between individuals.

"An outside observer might therefore limit his awareness to the generalized hope in the historic development of what has been called the objective process of decolonization, whereas Africans are being asked more or less explicitly to put their confidence in the good will of the former masters and not despair, in any case, of the historic necessities that dictate the tempo of the reconversion of colonial oppression. It is rigorously true that decolonization is proceeding, but it is rigorously false to pretend and to believe that this decolonization is the fruit of an objective dialectic which more or less rapidly assumes the appearance of an absolutely inevitable mechanism.

The enemy of the African under under French donation is not colonialism insofar as it exerts itself within the strict limits of his nations, but it is the forms of colonialism, it is the manifestation of colonialism, whatever be the flag under which it asserts itself. The countries against which the manifestations of racism, had to face Nazism, a form of exploitation of man, of physical and spiritual liquidation clearly imposed, that the French, English, and European South Africans lorded over the manifestations of that evil needed to engage their attention, but they must be prepared also to face this evil as an evil extending over the whole of the African territory." (Fanon)

The constantly affirmed concern with "respecting the culture of the native populations" accordingly does not signify taking into consideration the values borne by the culture, incarnated by men. Rather, this behavior betrays a determination to objectify, to confine, to imprison, to harden. Phrases such as "I know them," "that's the way they are," show this maximum objectification successfully achieved. Exoticism is one of the form of this simplification. It allows no cultural confrontation. There is on the one hand a culture in which qualities of dynamism, of growth, of depth can be recognized.

"Thus in an initial phase the occupants establishes his domination, massively affirms his superiority. The social group, militarily and economically subjugated, is dehumanized in accordance with the polydimensional method. Exploitation, tortures, raids, racism, collective liquidations, rational oppression take turns at different levels in order literally to make of the native an object in the hand of the occupying nation.

"The object man, without means of existing, without a raison d'être, is broken in the very depth of his substance. The desire to live, to continue, becomes more and more indecisive, more and more phantom-like. It is at this stage that the well-known guilt complex appears. In his first novels, Wright gives a very detailed ascription of it. (Fanon) This has had some visible effects and affects on the African psyche and psychological history as will be discussed below, and creates a maladaptive personality of Africans in South Africa.

Racism is never a super-added discovered by chance in the course of investigation of the cultural data of a group. The social constellation,the cultural whole, are deeply modified by the existence of racism. It is a common saying nowadays that racism is a plague of humanity. But we must not content ourselves with such a phrase. We must tirelessly look for the repercussions of racism at all levels of sociability. Racism bloats and disfigures the face of the culture that practices it. Literature, the plastic arts, songs for shop girls [and rural areas], proverb, habits, patterns, whether they set out to attack it or to vulgarize it, restore racism.

This means that a social group, a country, [a nation or people/culture], cannot be unconsciously racist. We say once again that racism is not an accidental discovery. It is not a hidden, dissimulated element. No superhuman efforts are needed to bring it out. Racism stares one in the face for it so happens that it belongs in a characteristic whole: that of the shameless exploitation of one group of men by another which has reached a higher stage of technical development. This is why military technical, and economic oppression generally precedes it, makes possible, and legitimizes racism. (Fanon) The cultural face of African South Africans has been severely emaciated and distorted by racism in the from of Apartheid. Reading Fanon, is better understanding what happened to Africans of South Africa because of Apartheid Racism(Separate Development).

"Developing his technical knowledge in contact with more and more perfected machines, entering into the dynamic circuit of industrial production, meeting men from remote regions in the framework of the concentration of capital, that is to say, on the job, discovering the assembly line, the team, production "time," in other words yields per hour, the oppressed are shocked to find that he continues to be the object of racism and contempt. It is at this level that racism is treated as a question of persons. It is not possible to enslave men without logically making them inferior through and through. And racism is only the emotional, affective, sometimes intellectual explanation of this inferiorization.

"The racist in a culture with racism is therefore normal. He has achieved a perfect harmony of economic harmony of economic relations and ideology. The idea that one form of man, to be sure, is never totally dependent on economic relations, in other words- and this must not be forgotten - on relations existing historically and geographically among men and groups. An ever greater number of members belonging to racist societies are taking a position.

"Discovering the futility of his alienation, his progressive deprivation, the inferiorized individual, after this phase of deculturation, of extraneousness existence, comes back to his original potions. This culture, abandoned, sloughed off, rejected, despised, becomes for the inferiorized an object of passionate detachment. There is a very marked kind of over-evaluation that is psychologically closely linked to the craving for forgiveness. But behind this simplifying analysis there is indeed the intuition experienced by the inferiorized of having discovered a spontaneous truth. This is a psychological datum that is part of the texture of History and of Truth.

Because the inferiorized rediscovers a style that had once been devalorized, what he does in fact to cultivate culture. Such a caricature of cultural existence would indicate, if it were necessary, that culture must be lived, and cannot be fragmented. It cannot be had piecemeal. Yet the oppressed goes into ecstasies over each rediscovery. The wonder is permanent. Having formerly emigrated from his culture, the native today explores it with ardor. It is a continual honeymoon.

Formerly inferiorized, he is now in a state of grace. Not with impunity, however, does one undergo domination. The culture of the enslaved people in sclerosed, dying. No life any longer circulates in it. Or more precisely, the only existing life is dissimulated. The population that normally assumes here and there a few fragments of life, which continues to attach dynamic meanings to institutions, is an anonymous population.

In a colonial system these are the traditionalist. Rediscovering tradition, living it as a defense mechanism, as a symbol of purity, of salvation, the decultured individual leaves the impression that the mediation takes vengeance by substantializing itself. This falling back on archaic positions having no relation to to technical development is paradoxical. The institutions thus valorized no longer correspond to the elaborate methods of action already mastered. This then contorts and deconstructs the African personalities in a myriad ways."

What Fanon is describing above, he might as well as addressing Africans of South Africa, today

The Maladaptive African Personality

The process of White Supremacy is founded on a Black-White mythical polarity. White imperialism and racism is founded and maintained on the basis of racial distinctions an the cultural/behavioral differences attributed to them. The social meaning assigned to the racial polarity between Black and White permeates every aspect of Eurocentric culture. The social meanings dominant Whites project onto biological racial differences serve the functions of rationalizing and naturalizing social differences, that is, making the social and material differences, which typify the Eurocentric racial status quo.

The perspective political-economic conditions of Africans is that they are under Europeans and European American's domination, that they are first and foremost a dominated, dependent people. African peoples dependency benefits Europeans and European Americans, who dominate them and condition their dependency. Both Africans and Europeans/European Americans are to a significant degree defined and identified by the power relations of domination. Yet, their characterization requires that they be defined in opposition, as complementary, mirror images of one another. Their power differentials, relations and social, political, economic roles require an opposition in character and complementarity in disposition it the relations of White domination are to operate with maximum efficiency.

[We} cannot give an undistorted account of 'a person' without giving an account of his relation with others. Even an account of one person cannot afford to forget that each person is always upon others and acted upon by others. The others are also affected too. No one acts or experiences life and reality in a vacuum. The person whom we describe, and over whom we theorize, is not the only agent in the world'. How he perceives and acts towards the others, how they perceive and act toward him, how he perceives them as perceiving him, how they perceive him as perceiving them, are all aspects of the 'situation'. They are all pertinent to understanding one person's participation in it. All 'identities' require an 'other': some 'other' in and through a relationship with whom self-identity is actualized. The 'other' by his or her actions may impose on self an unwanted identity. (R.D. Laing) In order for us to understand the present mindset and psychological beingness of African South Africans, we have to understand those that acted as agents of this affect on them.

Basically all the important behavioral and characterological orientations which inhabit Africans may be depicted by others and themselves as flaws - maladaptive or maladjustive, self-defeating and self-destructive, perhaps neurotic and psychotic flaws. All the important social problems which may be defined as socially dis-empowering and socially dysfunctional for the African communities are to a very measurable degree conditioned by their by Europeans/European Americans, including many of which on the sight appeared to be 'self-inflicted.

- Africans are dominated by and dependent on Europeans/ European Americans.

- Europeans/European American domination generates basic social problems for African (also for European/European Americans, but in an importantly different way).

- White domination, therefore, generates and maintains the social problems (e.g., academic underachievement, criminality, poverty, mental maladaptiveness, etc.) of Africans.

- Domination and exploitation) of Africans benefits Europeans/European Americans materially, socially and psychologically.

- In sum, Europeans/European Americans benefit from the social problems generated and maintained by their domination of Africans and are therefore motivated to continue to maintain those social problems

Since Europeans/European Americans benefit from the social problems their domination of African people generates, they have an investment in perpetuating the symptoms and/or create new ones. Moreover, the social problems presented by Africans (recall: Problems generated by European/European Americans domination of Africans as we have alluded to above, the european social research establishment "discovers" and identifies these problems and maladaptive tendencies. It then studies how Africans are Affected(infected) and continues to adjust and perpetuates them to their political and economical advantage.

Intergroup Political Predisposition and Cultural Conditioning

Wilson Informs us thusly:

The nature and character of a group's relative political predisposition, is an important part of a group. White supremacy, whatever form it takes, wherever it exists, must achieve three major goals if is is to socialize Blacks into accepting its "natural" rights of final authority and primary privilege. It must establish the human racial ideal as White in contrast to Black. It must proclaim that Blacks are innately destined to serve Whites, and that the fulfillment of their true nature requires their happy commitment to this service. Finally, it requires that Blacks be persuaded that they are incomplete without Whites and that their highest calling involves the sacrificing of themselves for the benefit of Whites.

We have to really understand clearly that this creates a maladaptive personality amongst the oppressed and depressed Africans. White supremacy posits that Whites relative to Blacks are autonomous agents who are free to set and order their own goals and priorities, and are free to act in order to pursue their own ends. Blacks are by nature denied such autonomy and therefore are destined to act to achieve their own self-determined goals. Blacks are therefore an extension of White agency; their African personality is thus severely and vastly affected by these acts promulgated by White supremacy.

"This is done thorough means and ways in which Blacks are induced to "voluntarily" or "naturally" accept the role to which White supremacy has assigned them. This is accomplished by the creation and projection of racial myths against the background of ultimate reality; by associating Black with negative values and associating White with positive ones through myths of White superiority and Black inferiority. Blacks are required to internalize and integrate into their central identity the racial images and roles furnished them by Whites.

"White supremacy conditions Blacks to achieve this end through its ability to pattern and structure the external and experiential world of Blacks and through this process induces them to unconsciously incorporate into their collective psyche negative views of themselves. Under White supremacy Blacks are socialized or conditioned from conception to serve the will of dominant Whites. They are positively reinforced towards conforming them to the social roles assigned them. They are made to suffer if they do not conform.

"Thus the collective Black personality is transformed and shaped to meet the demands of White supremacy. For whites, the Black-White complementarity of political predispositions is functional in maintaining their power relations and in maintaining the "smooth," racially "harmonious" operations of the political-economic system-as designed and created, dictated and also implemented and controlled by whites. This is done at the behest and benefit of the White community and at the expense of African people.

"For Whites who wish to maintain their supremacy, a Black population whose general political predisposition would duplicate their own would mean racial conflict and disharmony and a racial struggle for power. Thus the need for them to maintain their oppressive ways and suppress any African aspiration by any means necessary. The racially negatives stereotyping of Africans by Whites, reinforced by the multifarious forms of racial discrimination practices by Whites against Africans, functions to reproduce in Africans orientations and characteristics complementary to those of Whites. This in part facilitates for the de-Africanization of African people.

"When in the case where the political disposition of many Africans overlap those of Whites, these dispositions are alienated and restricted in such a way as to motivate such Africans to be supportive of the fundamental racial status quo, or at least, not to struggle for the complete reconstruction of the local/Global economic system and the neutralization of the White-African power differential. With economic institutions and their arrangements of control fully entrenched and dressed in appealing disguises, and therefore much harder to dismantle or shove aside, an anti-imperialist crusade would be much harder to revive."

Thus, the only escape is for Africans to grow and develop under the umbrella of fear, uncertainty and makes them to try their best at appeasing their masters and detractors at the expense of the existence as an authentic African community. And with the new imperialist structures thus proofed against African petit-bourgeois assault, the imperialist presence in Africa could go on and on and on, into the far indefinite future, and possibly for all time. At present, this seems to be the reality and conditioned existence of Africans and other oppressed peoples throughout the world.

Segue: Same Old, Same Old

The recent revolutionary events throughout North Africa and the Middle-East are happening due to the Countries like Tunisia and Egypt which are countries with social structures of a capitalist character, while Libya and Yemen still have a very strong role of preindustrial forms, with imposed "tribalism", which is the most archaic of socio-economic structure of the country, which is indeed making them one of the poorest and harshly repressed countries in the world. A Recent report came out from the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) showing that food prices rose to a record high in December 2010 and will likely continue rising higher than ever before. The FAO index, which began compiling data in 1990, measures monthly price changes in cereals, oils, seeds, dairy, meat, and sugar. The index rose 32 percent from June to December, rising for all six months in a row. The December level is at the same level as prices were in 2008, the increase of which helped spark many food riots around the world (see FAO graph in the picture gallery).

The UN warned of dangers of "food riots, geopolitical tension, global inflation, and increasing hunger" due to the rising food prices, which we are witnessing with the most recent revolutions in North Africa and the so-called Middle East. Countries on the "at risk" are those that are poor and produce little of their own food, such as Bangladesh, Morocco, and Nigeria. Overall, this crisis will hit the poor and mal-developed nations of the Third World the most, where basic food staples take up a larger share of personal income. One should recall what Monsanto is doing to the food production in South Africa in the US and throughout the world; there is also an army of the unemployed and uneducated in South Africa and in other developing, underdeveloped or Third world countries; people are decrying the cost of food, corruption, cronyism, nepotism, greed, callousness and neglect of the African population as has been tabulated above in the article.

Lest we forget, what we are seeing in South Africa, USA, Swaziland, Algeria, Libya, Morocco may be loosely called revolutions, and yes, that indeed they are! The same revolutions that gripped Latin America and were quashed by America, are somewhat the same revolutions we see today, Egypt and Morocco, along with those of Libya and Algeria, Swaziland and South Arica. The grievances listed above are similar to those that are the nub of the problems in North Africa and the Middle East and around the Arab/Muslim worlds. Some regimes and dictatorships in Africa and the Middle East are trembling and concerned about the outcome of revolutionary situations in these 'other' places and within their fiefdoms. The laisez faire of economic bullyism by the Western world seems to be under direct attack and opposition by the poor of the underdeveloped and repressed people, and this does not sit well with the World economic potentates.

This can be discerned in contemporary political disaster looming in the post tenth decade of 21K, when these despots and created client state minions in the so-called "developing", or 'Third World World" enclaves imbued with the encrusted and imposed autocratic-authoritarian rule, that, the Western World, particularly as one ponders as to who will replace their mannequin age old traditions and the forced modernization, not only of these countries and their economical potentates, but its poor and downtrodden people, who through the emerging social networks and technologies evolving now at a fast rate, are experiencing heightening human contact, communication, (partly education, knowledge, information, and so forth at the palm of their hand).

Because for them the Same old is still the same", meaning, revolutions have been happening throughout the millennia, and these have not stopped, but what is new, the field is brought to a paltry equilibrium in power, between the economical billionaires" and the poor and down and out of the majority 98% of the world's population; meanwhile, at the same time the poor are becoming empowered and unshackled from the old order by the new technologies which they are utilizing to their own advantage.

The Arab states' concerns, and the African Union's non-internvetnionist approach of the African revolution(with partly its allegiance to Gadaffi), are noting of the Union not taking a stance that is helpful to the poor African masses - and occasionally one hears of how South Africa's name is dropped in the conversation, siding with the Union and at the same time with the European and American imperialists, thus exposing some of the unknown salient features of the shenanigans that are taking place in South Africa and the rest of Africa, and the Middle East.

In the final analysis, a shaking and a Revolution has taken hold, despite the Libyan resistance to this change, the stakes are higher for the Western World and their lackeys in the mold of the South African government of the day. In the American media and rapport, the perception has been that of the creators of a social reality are amazed to see the effects and affects of the their kryptonite rulers and the decrepit conditions of their subdued population, starved and made ignorant of all things state and social, that they too are advocating some kind of change need to take place, but under the auspices of their own policies which serve their own interests."

That, as result, these raucous revolutions as they steadily rise, these fragile unstable "revolutionaries" are then face with the real-reality of their puny conditions of existence(in the case of Libya and Syria), that they start asking and seeking help(from the West and its allies), rejecting it, then seeking it when they realize that they cannot even see their enemy who kept them at five miles distance and are still pummeling them as the writing of this part of the Hub. This is caused by the way the West is reacting to these "revolutionaries", and the West trying to ascertain their modus operandi and that the interests of the West remain undisturbed and instead, trying to see if their perpetuation will be adhered to. The Western media plays an important and a decisive role in seeing to it that the West interest an needs are not threatened and will be upheld by the emerging consciousness in the latest revolutions in Africa and in the s-0called Middle East.

MEDIA

The Technopoly in Social Media

The Elite Sector

Robert McChesney writes: "In Conventional parlance, the current era is generally characterized as one of globalization, technological revolution, and democratization. In all of these areas, media and communication play a central, perhaps even a defining, role. Economic and and cultural globalization arguably would be impossible without a global commercial media system to promote global markets and to encourage consumer values. The very essence of the technological revolution is the radical development in digital communication and computing. For Capitalism's cheerleaders. like Thomas Friedman of the New York times, "all of this suggests that the human race is entering a new Golden Age. All people need to do is sit back, shut up, and shop, and let the market and technologies work their magical wonders."

For all the students of revolution, they should take this issue with some form of skepticism, for, according to McChesney, "the notion of globalization is used to describe some natural and inexorable force, the telos of capitalism as it were, to be misleading and ideologically loaded. Another superior term would "neoliberalism"; this refers to the set of national and international policies that call for business domination of all social affairs with minimal countervailing force.

Neoliberalism is almost intertwined with a deep belief in the ability of markets to use new technologies to solve social problems as far better than any alternative course. The centerpiece of neoliberal policies is invariably a call for commercial media and communication markets to be deregulated." So, by taking a closer look at the political economy of the contemporary global media and communications industries, we can cut and see through the hype and mythology surrounding the times we live-in, which will enable us to get a much more accurate understanding ow what is taking place and how we are subliminally seduced by the supposed wizardliness of the new and emerging technological tele-communcations media juggernaut-and also, become handcuffed consumer slaves of the products that have set up such that, even if we do not want nor need, we consume for lack of a better alternative..

Contemporary Global Media Systems:

In order for us to understand Contemporary media we will, for now, cull most of our understanding from McChesney and then utilize a synergic synthesis towards the end:

"Whereas, previously, media systems were primarily national, in the past few years a global commercial media market has emerged. This global oligopoly has two distinct but related facts. First, it means the dominant firms-nearly all U.S. based are- moving across the planet at breakneck speed. The point is to capitalize on the potential for growth abroad- and not get outflanked by competitors-since the U.S. Market is well developed and only permits incremental expansion.

"Second, convergence and consolidation are the order of the day. Specific media industries are becoming more and more concentrated, and the dominant players in each media industry increasingly are subsidiaries of huge global media conglomerate. The level of merges and acquisitions are breathtaking. In short order, the global media market has come to be dominated by seven Multinational corporations:Disney, AOL Time Warner, Sony, News Corporation, Viacom, Vivendi and Bertelsmann. None of these companies existed in their present form as media companies as recently as 15 years ago; today, nearly all of them will rank among the largest 300 non-financial firms in the world for 2001 and beyond.

"Of the seven, only three are truly U.S. firms, though all of them have core operations there. Between them, these seven companies own the major U.S. film studios, all but one of the U.S. television networks, the few companies that control 80-85 percent of global music market, the preponderance of satellite broadcasting worldwide, a significant percentage of book publishing and commercial magazine publishing, all or part of the most of the commercial cable TV channels in the U.S. and world-wide, a significant portion of European terrestrial (traditional over-the-air) television, and on and on and on[see the logos of these media megapolies in the photo gallery].

"By nearly all accounts, the level of concentration is only going to increase in the near future. ... This has has laid the foundation for the creation of the global media system, dominated by the aforementioned conglomerates. Now that they are fully function as techniques embedded within these technologies, the system has its own logic. Firms must and have become larger and diversified to reduce risk and enhance profit-making opportunities, and they must straddle the globe so as to never be outflanked by competitors." Also they are poised and are in a position to influence, shape and dictate all things media and technological serving their oligopolies and mediarized realities, interests and environment to affect and effect change as it suits their needs an interests."

McChesney expands further and states:

"Perhaps the best way to understand how closely the global commercial media system is linked to the neoliberal global capitalist economy is to consider the role of advertising. Advertising is a business expense incurred by the largest firms in the economy. The commercial media system is the necessary transmission belt for business to market their wares across the world; indeed, globalization as we know it could not exist without it. A whopping three-quarters of global spending on advertising ends up in the pockets of a mere 20 media companies. Ad spending has grown by leaps and bounds in the past decade, as TV has been opened to commercial exploitation, and is growing at more than twice the rate of gross domestic product growth.

"There are a few other points to put the global media in proper perspective. The global media market is rounded out by a second tier of six or seven dozen firms that are national or regional powerhouses or that control niche markets, like business of trade publishing. Between one-third and one-half of these second tier firms come from North America; most of the rest are from Western Europe and Japan. Many national and regional conglomerates have been established on the backs of publishing or television empires.

Each of these second-tier firms is a giant in its own right, often ranking among the thousand largest companies in the world and doing more than one billion dollars per year in business. But the system is still very much evolving." And the Third a dSecond World consumers are now catching up to the hype of Ads and their mesmerizing and aggressive pontification of their wares and seducing the unsuspecting media consumers as to their underlying thrust and goals: mega profits.

The variety of the 50 largest global media firms with their "mergers" and "cross ownership" had resulted in a complex web of interrelationships that makes one dizzy and overwhelmed. In a way, the global media market more closely resembled a cartel than it did the competitive marketplace found in economics textbooks. This conscious coordination does not simply affect economic behavior; it makes the media giants particularly effective political lobbyists at the national, regional and global levels.

The global media system is not the result of "free markets" or "natural law"; it is the consequence of a number of important state policies that have been made that created the system. The media giants have had a heavy hand in drafting these laws and regulations, and the public tends to have little or no input. In the United States, the corporate media lobbies are notorious for their ability to get their way with politicians, especially their adversary is not another powerful corporate sector, but that amorphous entity called the "public interest." The media giants consistently try to dupe the media consumers into buying into their brand, while they at the same time control the public dialogue, public discourse, perception and images, and meanwhile laughing all the way to their banks.

The emerging global media/communications in the area of democracy, also have significant cultural and political implications, specifically with regard to political democracy, imperialism, and the nature of socialist resistance in the coming years. In the area of democracy, the emergence of such highly concentrated media system in the hands of huge private concerns violates the fundamental manner any notion of a free press in democratic theory and society. The problems of having wealthy private owners dominate the journalism and media in a society have been well understood all along.

Journalism, in particular, which is the oxygen necessary for self-government to be viable, will be controlled by those who benefit by existing inequality and the preservation of the Status Quo (As can be seen in the case of the Ruling ANC government and their protection and perpetuation of the status quo and maintaining the conditions of inequality, inherited form the Apartheid regime, an threatening the local press with media censorship or a media tribunal- my two cents).

McChesney informs us that "global journalism is dominated by Western News Services, which regard existing capitalism, the United States, its allies, and their motives in the most charitable manner imaginable. As for culture, "the Hollywood juggernaut" and the specter of U.S. cultural domination remain a central concern in many countries. Similar concerns were voiced by the the people of Europe and the the so-called Third World Countries. Organizing for democratic media must be part of the current struggle, if we are going to have a viable chance of success. (McChesney) Media communication and dissemination of information is the guard dog of the big capital and their other interest as has been noted above within the Hub

The most demonized people in the media consists of Africans who are consciously de-Africanized and/or suppression of those who provide truthful tough unrelenting critiques of European hegemonic institutions: White supremacy. It is as if the only reason that Africans are represented in media is for the purposes of demonizing some sector of the African community or distorting the truth about them, or destroying their culture and their image of themselves[as partly noted above in the hub].

The only africans who escape scrutiny and merciless critics are the self-professed "colorless, good Negroes/Africans," that is, as long as they do not step out of line. Holding a media monopoly, Westerners have been able to shape images of themselves and of African people to their own liking and likeness. The Agenda of media owners is reflected in their patterns of representation of themselves and controllers of information and disinformation and the image they desire of both the Africans and themselves and the paddling of their wares to whomever they please.

The message sent via newspapers, television, film, radio, cable magazines, posters, T-shirts, etc., is clear: Africans around the world are to be invisible until they are needed for exploitation, oppression, depression and general inhuman abuse. Media are then used to shape the appetites, to create consumers,to make enormous profits, and to project images of Africa and Africans as backwards, incompetent, and immoral and in many cases, sub-human and inconsequential. Above all, African unity must be attacked. Africans can get good press and "rewards" if they are helpful agents(or White lackeys), willing to do and say anything in support of White supremacy to their own detriment.

THE EXTINCTION JUGGERNAUT

Corporate Media Propaganda

Fewer than thirty corporations control the media and thus the means to influence the attitudes and behavior of every person in America, and many countries in the world. The media are like mini schools. When you realize that the same companies have interests in several newspapers, internet services, broadcast television, book publishing, music recording, tele-communications, and radio talk shows, it is clearer that Africans must do all that they can to resist any potential negative effects. This arrangement affords the owners of the corporations with the power to disseminate any message that they choose. And Choose they have, using the endless resources of the powerful corporate conglomerations, they have shaped the public's view of reality and control news and information dissemination and propaganda.

Revolutionary Prognosis

When the Africans began asking for a new society, they were asking for an African dominated society. But most of the Africans asking the questions were trained by the oppressor. They had forgotten their own methodology of rule, and so the methodology of running a state was borrowed from the oppressor. The oppressor never develops the methodology for the liberation of the slave.

Powerful people never educate powerless people in the kind of education they need in order to take the power away from them. Most African rulers are poor copies of Western imperialism in terms of ideas bout ruling. One cannot operate from a standpoint that has already been designed and carved out for one to follow. No one can govern from a powerless and stateless position; no one can have power whilst lording over a captive nation and population and a defunct cultural perspective.(Clarke)

When you take away a people's land, you take away their nationhood. You take away their birthright. You might as well take aways a woman's womb and tell her, "Go ahead and have some more children." I's impossible. No land, no nation. The land was being lost in Africa and the land was being fought over in the Caribbean islands. Power changed faces, but power did not change methodology, and it remained out of the hands of the people. ... Because our origin is Africa, our political heartbeat should be in tune with Africa. No matter where we live on the face of this earth, we should proclaim ourselves an African people.

That is our nationality, no mater what nation we were born in and what nation we choose to live in. This is the ultimate vindication of the betrayal of the African World Revolution, we must be bold enough. Africans have found very few clear solutions to their problems in the realm of Western history, sociology, the sciences and media. In calling attention to the African world revolution and its betrayal, Africans have to reclaim those vital assets that have always been a part of their history, culture, and politics. Africans as a people have always been revolutionary, creating change and adjusting to change. (Clarke)

Africa and its people are figuratively and symbolically knocking at the door of the twenty-first century. Africans caught in the crossfire of the struggle for world power are learning some painful lessons they should have learned long ago: Mainly, freedom is not free. Freedom is something you take with your own hands. You maintain it it with own hands. Freedom is not handed down from generation to generation. Each generation must assume the responsibility of securing their manhood, their womanhood, the definition of their being on earth that in the final analysis is nationhood.

As they knock on the front door of the twenty-first century, the Africans of the world are saying the progression of circumstances has changed them from being a people begging and pleading to a people insisting and demanding. It is futile for anyone to say that african people are not ready to rule themselves. They are as ready as any people in the world. I know no case in history where Europeans shared power with Africans. When africans look toward the future, they must envision an Africa that is African-ruled as France is French-ruled, and England is English-ruled. No one needs to apologize ever wanting to be the master of his own home. (Clarke)

Modern mass urban society - with its weakened family, community, religion, and social group ties - may increase the individual's sense of powerlessness. In the absence of meaningful social interaction, people search for synthetic ties to replace the ones lost in the process of modernization. They become other directed - that is, decreasingly reliant on their own consciences and increasingly depended upon other people for their ideas and actions. The other-directed person is easily manipulated by the mass media(as we have discussed in-depth above), by demagogic leaders, and by mass political movements....

The Role of the Family

In order for us to have a slight and at least a much clearer picture of Africans in South Africa, we must remember that groups, in seeking to achieve or maintain their power over their subordinated collective, groups resorted to slavery or separate development, as in the case of Apartheid. Under certain social economic circumstances cultural identity can become the instrument for the expression of the power of the predominant cultural system which molded it, and may also become the instrument used by the dominant culture and its members to further its survival and enhance its empowerment.

African cultural identity, even in its stratified and diffused state, even on the individual level, is a political economy or essentially an organization of lacks, deficiencies, interests, needs, desires, passion tastes, ideals motives, values, etc., the response to which on the part of Africans helps to maintain or enhance the social power relations, prerogatives, and integrity of the White-dominated racial status quo, was the disappearance of the AfricanFamily.

South African Africans and African Americans, must in the context of White Supremacy, ask themselves: "What is the political economy of Oppressed Africans in the Diaspora and South African African's culture and the various personal and social identities it produces? [Being able to answer this question honesty, would help many Africans begin to detangle and debunk their created and and oppressed reality - that is one way of the many to be explored. Africans must no longer through the abuse of reality, denial and distortion fail to recognize that our basic identities as an oppressed people are largely manufactured by the dominion of Europeans in South Africa and in America and their related social/economic practices in which Africans as a people, are immersed and enslaved.

These identities are therefore incarnations and instrument of their social power, and are socially designed and conditioned when activated, to unwittingly serve the political-economic interests of dominant White western rulers to the detriment of subordinate African Culture. African cultural identity and behavioral orientations as currently defined, are functionally defined to perpetuate self-negating, self-defeating, and under certain circumstances, self-destructive behavior amongst Africans - both in the diaspora and in Africa.

What is happening here is that the identification involves the process by which the individual group is socialized to acquire those attitudes, values, interests, morals, ethics, tastes, skills, emotional and behavioral tendencies, and ways of thinking that the socializer deems appropriate to the person's gender, the person's or in the case of Whites and Africans, the group's race and social role.

In other words, identification refers to the process of fitting a person or group to its ascribed or prescribed social role. The social role for which the person or group is fitted is usually the one(s) the socializer perceives as important is supporting his his or its own position and in achieving or satisfying his or its own goals and needs; or terms of group relations, important to supporting, enhancing and empowering and helping the socializing group to achieve its economic, political, social and psychological objectives.

Just to keep this yarn in perspective, we state that the family is a power system. It is an alignment of persons usually related by blood or adoption (formal or informal), a shared history, a shared sense of mutuality, identity, values and fate. The power generated by the family system can be utilized to enhance and maintain the family's own well-being and self-sufficiency as well as the well-being and autonomy of the community and culture of which it is a member.

Dominant groups, in seeking to achieve or maintain their power over subordinate groups, are for this reason compelled in some ways to constrain, restrict, reduce, destabilize, misdirect, or destroy the family systems, and with those, the communal and cultural systems of the groups they subordinate. The oppression, distortion and destabilization of African families by dominant White Europeans and White Americans, began with the enslavement and colonization of Africans and continues to this day, in both cases.

Slavery and colonialism initiated and over the long term, motivated the disintegration of the social organization, traditional social sanctions, strictly regulated family life and rigidly enforced moral codes, which legitimated and supported the pre-slavery, colonial and post-colonial African families (Stampp) Although during and after Emancipation, the African family outwardly resembled that of the White family functionally, psychologically and socioeconomically it was. in essence (it is) distinctly different-and African.

The main difference is that it was and is a family under oppression. Not permitted the full freedom, the full access to and use of the same or similar resources and supports available to the dominant White Family, the African exercises less power than its White counter part. When one reads Stampp's description of the slave family still fundamentally fits that of the modern African Family:

"....they were regulated by whatever laws the owners saw fit to enforce.... Not only did the slave family lack the protection and the external pressure of the state law, it also lacked the centripetal forces that gave the White family its cohesiveness. In the life a of a slave, the family had nothing like the social significance that it had in the life of the White man. The slave woman was first a full-time worker for her owner, and only incidentally a wife, mother, and home-maker ...and children soon learned that their parents were neither the fount of wisdom nor the seat of authority... Lacking autonomy, the slave family could not offer the child shelter or security from the frightening creatures in the outside world.

The family had no greater importance as an economic unit... slaves labored most of the time for their masters in groups that had no relationship to the family,. the husband was not the director of an agricultural enterprise; he was not the head of the family, the holder of property, the provider, or the protector... In an age of patriarchal families, the male slave's only crucial function within the family was that of siring offspring.... The husband was at most his wife's assistant, her companion, her sex partner. He was often thought of as her possession ("Mary's Tom"), as was the cabin in which they lived.

It was common for a mother and her children to be considered a family without reference to the father. Given these conditions - ...the family's minor social ad economic significance, and the father's limited role - it is hardly surprising to find that slave families were highly unstable." (Stampp) It is at this juncture that we look at the more forms forms that are contributing to African extinction in its holistic historical manifestations. It should also be borne in mind that the same that is said about the slave family in America also applies to the African families in South Africa.

Apartheid and Neo Apartheid Rule And Slavery

The economic role of the African family and the role of the African father have remained essentially the subordinate to and dependent on the socioeconomic needs of their dominant White equivalents. The stability, economic foundations and functions of the African family, given its dependence on White largesse, have always been relatively fragile and tenuous, exuding an air of impermanence which, except for a few decades of relative stability, has rarely blown away. The place and role of the African male in the family and in the society during slavery and colonialism throughout American/European and African History to the present moment are still ambivalent, confusing and contradictory Stampp's description of the African male during slavery applies even today:

"The average bondsman, it would appear, lived more or less aimlessly in a bleak and narrow world. He lived in a world without schools,without books, without learned men; he knew less of the fine arts and of aesthetic values than he had known in Africa; and he found few ways to break the monotonous sameness of all his days. His world was the few square miles of earth surrounding his cabin... His world was full of mysteries which he could not solve, full of forces which he could not control. And so he tended to be a fatalist and futilitarian, for nothing else could reconcile him to his life." This has had some serious and severely devastating effects on the psyche and reality of Africans as will be discussed below in the Hub.

The African family - as long as and to the degree to which it is depended on the dominant White power structure, to the extend to which it is not founded on African-centered consciousness, cultural traditions and values, social economic arrangements or alignments, its organization and disorganization, stability and instability, power or powerlessness - will in a reactionary way reflect the political-economic interests of the white power structure in which it is operationally embedded. This is what we are seeing and suffering through here in South Africa. This is an important to pay attention to for it too, is one of the many things that can be taken into consideration by Africans and begin to try and understand their present situation.

These interests, are, more often than not, detrimental to the African family today as we are witnessing it in real time here in Mzantsi. The relative powerlessness of the African family portends the relative powerlessness of African culture, and vice-versa. In the final analysis, racism has been detrimental to the existence and well-being of Africans, and it hastened the extinction of the family of Africans in South Africa, Africa, and to those Africans in the Diaspora. The present African elected ANC government is not doing much to ameliorate this stated condition, but are playing vote for us games and disappear for the next years of their rule.

Disengagement Between Africans and Africanism.

By the time Africans had gained a semblance of freedom to reclaim traditional practices, anti- African propaganda machines through its media(As noted from McChesney above) had already succeeded in enforcing a mental disengagement between Africans and anything African. The permanent and lingering results has been mental and social confusion which prevented Africans from being themselves. The results has also been that Africans are unable to unite and work to achieve true freedom. This lack of African unity is a direct rejection of indigenous African unifying principles which promote a strong sense of community.

Even as oppressors work to represent black or darker skinned people of the world as being inhuman spirits in need of domination, sensible people know that Africans are all members of the human race. Still, the fact that many people prefer to pretend that darker humans are not not human, and yet Africans are the ones who continue to catch the brunt of oppressive laws, behavior, and overall exploitation does not change that reality.

It is by design that today, many African people around the world, cry that they do not want to be culturally connected to Africans. "Color me human and do not separate me" is the shallow cry of those bent on perpetuating a mythical "colorless" yet firmly European orientation; as if to suggest that claiming, respecting, and using one's indigenous traditions is anti-human. This is the mindset that encourages some Africans not want to be called Africans... This is what holds us back and our being recalcitrant in not paying attention to this truism, hurts us more than we can start to wrap our heads around.

As people play the shallow "color game, African people, on the continent, are in dire economic and political circumstances. Africans remain victims of foreign powers who operate only in their own self-interest. Even as European nations unite to assist each other, African nations have an impaired position in the world. The powerlessness has a direct effect on all Africans in the Diaspora who often see no special relationship to continental Africans, and are not advocates for them/Some in the Diaspora work towards the unification of Africans in the Diaspora and those in Africa. The alienation of Africans from other Africans has enormous consequences.

No matter where Africans are in the world, their circumstances are basically the same. Those who benefit from the oppression of Africans understand that cultural disorder and family disunity facilitate the process of domination and control, and ultimately, Extinction. By saying so I mean that the approach is used around the world, and it represents the process where-by Africans adopt any means available to surrender their African culture. Brazil, which will be discussed below, is an excellent country to study to gain a better grasp of how racial codes, labels, and propaganda are used to confuse the African population(which by the way, has the largest population of Africans outside Africa).

"Let Us Make Slaves" - The Evolving Metaphor

Walter Rodney argued that racism was a social force, in both Africa and the Americas, and that it was generally a subsidiary to the dynamics of capitalist exploitation. This is what Rodney had to say about that:

"[I]t can be affirmed without reservations that the White racism which came to pervade the world was an integral part of the capitalist mode of production.... European planters and miners enslaved Africans for economic reasons, so their labor power could be exploited. Indeed, it would have been impossible to open up the New World and to use it as a constant generator of wealth, had it not been for African labor.... Europeans at home and abroad found it necessary to rationalize that exploitation in racist terms as well.

Oppression of African people on purely racial grounds accompanied, strengthened, and became indistinguishable from oppression for economic reasons." We can see this as described above in the Hub above: economic apartheid has replaced political apartheid as the mainstay of South Africa's political, social, cultural mayhem presently. The role of education in the underdevelopment of Africa was characterized by Walter Rodney in this manner:

"The main purpose of the colonial school system was to train Africans to help man the local administration at the lowest levels and to staff the private capitalist firms owned by Europeans.... It was not an educational system that grew out of the African environment or one that was designed to give young people confidence and pride as members of African societies, but one which sought to instill a sense of deference towards all that was European and capitalist."

This can be seen much more clearly in in the behavior and mannerism of the contemporary South African petit bourgeoisie CEO's and who are at present protecting their economic fiefdoms at the expense of the poor African masses. Most of these potentates view their role in assisting imperialism as work. The poor masses see them as slave drivers and facilitators of their own(masses) oppression.

Work, in a natural society, is looked upon with pride, both because it permits persons to express themselves and because it supplies their survival needs. As a natural form of expression, work is not too distinguishable from play. During slavery and colonialism, work was used as a punishment. The need for workers was most identifiable cause of the Africans' enslavement. Work became despised as any punishment was despised. Work became hated as does any activity which caused suffering and brought no rewards for the doer. Work became equated with slavery.

Over the course of generations, work came to a most hated activity. Despite the fact that we are now several centuries removed from the direct slavery and colonial experience, many Africans in Africa and the Diaspora still, to a great extent, hate work. Work was identified with punishment, also, work was identified and equated with inferiority. Stampp observed: "Masters who had at their command as few as a half dozen field hands, were tempted to improve their social status by withdrawing from the fields and devoting most of their time to managerial functions... but most slaves never saw their masters toiling in the fields..."

The Slaves and the colonized were not permitted to own nothing of very little Property and the finer material objects such as clothes, jewelry, etc., were reserved for the Slave master. Douglas had this to say: "The yearly allowance of clothing for the slaves on this plantation consisted of two tow-linen shirts - such as the coarsest crash towels are made of; one pair of trousers and a jacket of woolen, most sleazily put together, for winter; one pair of yarn stockings, and one pair of shoes of the coarsest descriptions.

The slaves entire apparel could not have cost more than eight dollars per year. The allowance of food and clothing for the little children, was committed to their mothers, or to the older slave woman having care of them. Children who were unable to work in the field had neither shoes, stockings, jackets nor trousers given them. Their clothing consisted of two coarse tow-linen shirts - already described, per year; and when these failed them, as they often did, they went naked until the next allowance day."

Akbar puts all this into historical and present context so that we may begin to understand the Africa petit-bourgeoisie as to why they behave the way the do today across Africa and in the Western worlds:

"The slave and [colonial] master's fine house, beautiful landscaping, exquisite clothes and objects were associated with his power and status. In the same way the slave looked upon his master with hatred and resentment, he also resented and envied the master's possessions because those possessions were associated with freedom and the power to direct one's life, family and communityAfricans, the world-over, have slavery and colonial influence of mixed attitudes toward material objects and property. ... On the other hand, slavery and [colonialism] produced an unnatural attraction to material objects. The cast-off hat or dress passed down from the "Big House" to the cabin, became a symbol of pride and status. By wearing the "Massah's" old hat or "Missis" old dress, one could play at being Massah or Missis for a few fanciful moments."

Stampp illustrates this as follows:

"The elegantly dressed slaves who promenaded the streets of Southern towns and cities on Sundays, the men in fine linens and bright waistcoats, the women in full petticoats and silk gowns, were usually the domestic servants of wealthy planter and townspeople. Butlers, coachmen, maids and valets had to uphold the prestige of their White families"

Today we see these in South Africa as the CEO's, parliamentarians, highly successful tycoons and millionaires, managers, nurses, teachers, doctors, lawyers, policemen and so forth. The more things changed, the more they stayed the same.

"These material objects or dregs of property became equated in the Africans' thinking with the full power of freedom and self-determination which the master enjoyed. The legacy of such experience with property and materials, has made these objects powerfully influential in the lives of many Africans. Large sums of money are thrown away yearly on expensive clothes and cars. Uncomfortable, impractical and showy items of furniture drain our budgets and fail to satisfy Africans' longing longings because of this persistent wish to look like the slave master.

"Many of the African peoples judgements about people and their worth disproportionately determined by what those people own or wear. Africans spend great energy and wealth acquiring these objects associated with power rather than real human, social, political and economic power. There is frequently a tendency to confuse tokens of power with genuine power, based upon the slavery/colonial experience. (Akbar)

African people's misunderstanding the culture that they are imbibing paraded as modernism, look just as ridiculous because they are in essence, fakes. Recognition and understanding that as fake, we need to begin to pay attention to those issues that break us down in so many myriad ways, and in the end, we lose everything, and our lives.

TEACHABLE MOMENTS

Critique Of Globalism's Extinction Program: Cultural Terrorism

The Oppression/Extinction of the Vulnerable African Masses

We have long lived under the myth of Free market to the extend that it challenges our life styles and identities and so forth. Carter G. Woodson, years ago, warned against an oppressor-imposed miseducation that alienated us from our people and traditions. WEB DuBois who postulated about double consciousness which he points out that it caused the African people to see themselves through the eyes of other people. He understood that European hegemony was established through miseducation and alien cultural socialization. Some oppressed people join with the oppressors to make the European system of oppression more efficient, thus becoming agents in the oppression of Africans, as was true during the slave and colonial times, of which the huddling masses was betrayed by their own people. (Armah)

The goal of European hegemony has been to harness, label, degrade and appropriate African Power; to steal African Power. While African culture has been stolen, Europeans have forced and infused a generally unhealthy culture upon Africans. As Africans have adopted this alien culture, it has had negative consequences for their mental power, cultural power, physical power, and for the natural resources in the land of their ancestors. In order to survive and keep a minority of people on the planet living a wealthy life, Europeans determined that Africans and the threat of African Power had to be neutralized at all cost.

Cultural Terrorism was and is still being exercised to create confusion, disorder, and dependency among Africans. No matter where you live in the world, you cannot escape the legacy and history of the oppression of African people. The patterns of oppression are seen in every facet of society(as partly described in the hub above). Oppression and its consequences are, in part, the result of the African people's ignorance of the power of their African socialization traditions.

The current negative views of Africans which are held by Europeans and others - even Africans themselves - in the world today are largely the product of exploiters, slavers, colonizers, thieves and purveyors of cultural genocide. Clearly European exploiters and missionaries could hardly be considered objective and non-self serving. As I have emphasized earlier, strong family ties have major political and economic consequences. Unity based on common ethnic traditions provide the foundation for trust, which makes effective collaboration possible among family members. Oppressors know this and as a result, they adopted the practice of Cultural Genocide or Ethnic Cleansing with enslaved, colonized and segregated, suppressed, oppressed populations, as a primary strategy to establish dominance and by waging an incessant war against their culture, history and traditions.

Africans, having lost their understanding of the necessity for and the power of a strong ethnic identity, they confuse national and ethnic identity, sometimes combining both of them in the same name. The lasting challenge that Africans face is the absence of information and understanding African culture. This has been by design. The enforces of an oppressive system worked to create cultural disorder among the oppressed. In particular,they suppress the value of other cultures while glorifying and fabricating the history of themselves. This can be seen amongst the Afrikaner South Africans). They understand that the resulting disorder will make it impossible for the oppressed to be truly independent. It is appropriate at this juncture to have a take on Frantz Fanon's observations:

"The unilaterally decreed normative value of certain cultures deserves our careful attention.... The enterprise of deculturation turns out to be the negative of a more gigantic work of economic, and even biological enslavement... The doctrine of cultural hierarchy is thus one aspect of a systematized hierarchization implacably pursued. ...For its systems of reference have to be Broken, Expropriation, spoliation, raids, objective murder, are matched by sacking of cultural patterns, or at least condition such sacking.

The social panorama is destructed; values are flaunted, crushed, emptied. ...The lines of force, having crumbled, no longer give direction. In their stead, a new system of values imposed, not proposed but affirmed, the heavy weight of cannons and sabers. ...This culture, once living and open to the future, becomes closed, fixed in the colonial status, caught in the yoke of oppression. Both present and mummified, it testifies against its member. It defines them in fact without appeal.

The cultural mummification leads to a mummification of individual thinking. The apathy so universally noted among colonial peoples is but the logical consequence of this operation; their operation of inertia constantly at the natives is utterly dishonest. As though it were possible for a man to evolve otherwise than within the framework of a culture that recognizes him and that he decides to assume. ...Thus, we witness the setting of archaic, inert institutions, functioning under the oppressor's supervision and patterned like a caricature of formerly fertile institutions."

The cultural dependency of African people and many other ethnic groups is due to years of miseducation and gradual loss of control of intergenerational cultural transmission. Most Africans are in deep debt. Most of them purchase their goods and services from non-Africans. Even simple things like hair care and nail maintenance are provided for many of them by others. Worst of all, there is an absence of a community controlled intergenerational cultural transmission process. That void is filled by the propaganda of others. Gradually, they have lost the memory of their values,their history, and their creativity. In essence, their whole systems have been all but annihilated and made extinct.

Culturally dependent people will believe, internalize and utilize anything that they are socialized to believe is correct. For this reason. Africans around the world copy Europeans standards of beauty. In certain African Countries, Korea and even in the U.S., there is a crises in the number of people who bleach their skins in an effort to lighten it and look more like Europeans. Instead of growing food or practicing the natural medical practices that were passed on to them, Africans are totally depended on others, emulating others and ignoring their own indigenous cultures, customs and history.

It is ironic, that those who make money on the medicine and other medical remedies today, studied and copied the practice of indigenous people around the world; the very people that they called backward. Now, instead of benefitting rom the legacy of their ancestor, the decedents are dependent for medicine, food, and other things need to survive on others either than themselves: theirs have been forcibly extinguished and made extinct. The leaders of African people are peddling anything that is directed by their Western masters to the detriment of their fellow Africans.

Africans have begun to internalize the views that exploiters have of them and their traditions. Many Africans have become eager seekers to be educated in alien traditions, without criticism of them. For the past few centuries, the mass education that Africans receive in Africa and in the Diaspora is rooted largely in Western European/American education orientation and practice, societies and peoplehood.

Seeing Extinction in 3D - 20/20

This condition, described above, had led to financial and political dependence. Africans no longer create things that they need to survive; not food, clothing or shelter, as Akbar has described above. Even those things that they create such as their music are under the control of others who have turned these very creativities against them. Destructive images are carried back into African communities, where messages of uplift should be found.

Systematic, long term, pervasive control over information and socialization processes has been in the hands of African oppressors. Their goal has been nothing less than African destruction as a people. To that end, they have reached inside African communities, co-opted leadership and directed their 'culture' war against Africans through these co-opted "African Lackeys outfits of the Slavedriver's motley crew and enforces and procurers of Western Wealth and loot."

In some cases, Africans have been identified early on and recruited before being colonized and socialized to commit to a European agenda; an agenda focused on maintaining hegemony over Africans. European oppressors send "trained" Africans into African communities, and institutions to attempt to lead the rest of the African Family, in blind allegiance, to the alien agenda that does not promote the African Community's interest.

The divide and conquer strategy has been used against Africans since the first invaders made contact and in the process pillaged their lands. They pitted what they dubbed "tribes" against each other which enabled them to steal and meanwhile enforce their agenda as the warring Africans killed and decimated each other. Today, the divide and conquer strategy is employed by the right wing and left wing of any of the detractors of Africanism, that attention, on this part too, should be made more concrete.

Individual Africans have been permitted to rise to the highest level, but only if they are not perceived as identifying with Africans as an ethnic group. Self-hatred or hatred of Africans is a prerequisite for financial gain and acceptance in a White supremacist culture. Cultural Terrorists have always used the domination agenda by dividing Africans from each, by any means necessary, and also, they bond with those individuals to who help to dominate Africans.

Extinction: De-Africanizing African People

The cultural terrorism in Brazil, which is shown clearly in the case of Brazil, and provides us a functional country to study and learn how cultural terrorism by Europeans has been effective. this will help us grasp the fate that some oppressors now envision for Africans everywhere, and to see a sophisticated divide and conquer system in operation-Nascimento intones:

"In 1914, a Theodore Roosevelt wrote an article in Popular magazine describing what he had seen and heard in Brazil. He was told the following by one observer in Brazil. 'Of course the presence of the Negro is the problem, and a very serious problem, both in your country and mine, Brazil. Slavery was an intolerable method of solving the problem, and had to be abolished.

"But the problem itself remained, in the presence of the Negro. ..With us, the question tends to disappear, because the Blacks themselves tend to disappear and become absorbed. ..In Brazil the idea looked forward to is the disappearance of the Negro question through his gradual disappearance of the Negro himself. ...that is through his gradual absorption into the White race." (Roosevelt)

"Many of Brazil's Africans accepted the disappearance goal, and sought to "advance the race" by "disappearing," "mixing" or becoming as European as possible. The de-Africanization of African Brazilian was the result of a deliberate government policy and popular thrust of, "whitening." They also adopted the propaganda that suggested that Brazil was a "racial democracy. Until recently, the voices of the African downtrodden were silent, and there were few who spoke of the truth of "invisible" color domination. Nascimento elucidated:

"The European elite promoted mass immigration of white people in order to 'improve the nation's racial stock.' The ruling class was in panic over the Africanness of this newly-declared citizenry, and hurried immediately to deny it suffrage by instituting in the 1891 Constitution, for the first time, the literacy requirement for voting. This done, it went about subsidizing European immigration to saturate the labor market, leaving Africans destitute, and simultaneously inculcating in the national consciousness a social compulsion to "marry White." The idea was to eliminate the African presence entirely, hopefully by the end of this century[20th century]."

Nascimento continues: "...Brazilian intellectuals, writers and scientists who created a complex network of sophistries idealizing the whitening of the Brazilian 'race' are among the most often translated into English and other languages. Two major examples are Gilberto Freyre and Jorge Amado. Both contribute enormously to foreign readers' misinformation, depicting race mixture as a true index of ethnic harmony and racial 'democracy' in Brazil. the truth, however,is just the opposite. Applied to Afro-Brazilians' living reality, the concept of racial democracy operates as one more tool used to perpetuate the ruling majority's domination over Brazilians of African Origin. ...In this distortion of statistics we come upon a cornerstone of "Latin" racism: the psychosocial whitening of Africans in these societies. The compulsion to identify with European values, aesthetics and criteria of personal beauty create negative psychological complexes which are nothing new to students of Frantz Fanon or Albert Memmi."

In Brazil , and around the world, Europeans have maintained invisible hegemony through the process of "whitening." Africans in Brazil and around the globe have internalized European donated racial identities," and have struggled for generations to become as physically white as possible. In Brazil, as many as thirty names are used to describe the skin color gradations and determine "racial" identity. The African Brazilians also struggle to become as culturally white as possible. They seek a particular value system because, like any oppressed people, they want to join and be accepted in the "mainstream." They seek only "inclusion." They do not seek to define to define things on their own. In too may cases, their identity is based on how "white" they are. That is the reality in spite of the fact that some Africans in Brazil have documented widespread racism and white supremacy.

The process of domination and control of Africans in the United States and in South Africa has been no different than what happens in Brazil or in South Africa. Africans have had to be forced to forget all things African so that they would come to perceive European culture and African exploitation as the norm. A teachable moment is succinctly captured by Mazrui as follows:

"...Their collective names became "Negroes"/, [or "Kaffirs"] and even "Niggers" - a name based on the color of their skin. In short, the whole history of slavery and racism(Apartheid?) in the U.S. and [South Africa], had one persistent refrain addressed to the captives; The rule is: forget where you came from, remember how you look like. Forget your ancestry, remember your skin color; Forget you are African(an issue which is present in South Africa that White are Africans, or that all races are Africa, if not South African, as some would venture to say - All are Africans and the Africans of South African are told that they cannot lay claim to being African!? - my italics)

Don't look at the map, look at the mirror! So successful was this policy that the Collective name of the captives remained imprisoned wit the pigmentation paradigm until 1998 (or to date- my addition)." When Africans become preoccupied with their "racial" or phenotypic features, they fail to consider sufficiently our vast and and vital cultural wealth which connects them to Africans around the world. Being Black is not enough as phenotype is an insufficient basis for building strong ethnic bonds. Further, to focus on it plays into the hands of those who seek to dominate Africans. Theirs is a deliberate military divide and conquer strategy to de-etnnnicicize Africans, to force Cultural Genocide and to perform ethnic cleansing. There are other machinations that are deployed and employed by the White supremacists as we delve deeper into the affects and affects of Slavery and colonial pycho-historical application on the oppressed, and how these impact on the lives, minds and realities of Africans-and they have a deleterious and genocidal effect on African milieu globally.

Poor Caricatures and Products of Culture Wars: Extinction of A Kind

Ogre Perceptions: Delusions

Whitening and assimilation have done nothing to curb white supremacy which is alive and well in Brazil (Nascimento, 1985; Twine, 2001) At this juncture, it must be stressed, however, that what happens in Brazil, happens in many other countries. For example, in South Africa, despite the myth of a unified, "rainbow nation," the African People of South Africa continue to suffer from the effects of White supremacy administered by a vulture gendarme crew of cabals, the present-day South African government.

South Africans comfortably maintain the racial identity categories that were created and imposed upon them(Africans) by Apartheid centered European colonizers who moved to South Africa to dominate and control the indigenous people and their rich land-later famously known as Apartheid. The results of such domination need to be put into a proper perspective. Throughout the article we have discussed, the oppression, suppression, depression and making-extinct of their lot, at this juncture we look at the effects and affects on these actions have on Africans. E. Franklin Frazier inform us thus:

"The Black bourgeoisie, as we have seen, has created a world of make-believe to shield itself from the harsh economic and social realities of American life. This world of make-believe is created out of the myth of Negro business, the reports of the Negro press on the achievements and wealth of Negroes, the recognition accorded them by Whites, and the fabulous life of Negro "society." Some of the middle-class Negro intellectuals are not deceived by the world of make-believe. They will have nothing to do with Negro "society" and refuse to waste their time on frivolities. They take their work seriously and live in relative obscurity so far as the Negro world is concerned.

Others seek an escape from their frustrations by developing, for example, a serious interest in Negro music - which the respectable black bourgeois often pretend to despise. In this way these intellectuals achieved some identification with the Negro masses and with the traditions of Negro life. But many more middle-class Negroes, who are satisfied to live in the world of make-believe but must find a solution to the real economic and social problems which they face, seek an escape in delusions['..of grandeur'- I might add]." The same Industrial effects and the slave labor it employs in any form, Imperialism has managed to transform many-a-African-South-African into buying into the 'modernization concept and precepts, as espoused by the people of the West. This too has harmful effects on the health and lives of the people of African descent in South Africa(Mzantsi).

Symptoms Of "Pathological Normalcy" In Oppressed Africans

Colonial and Slavery Mental Disordered Dysfunction

"These are those disturbances of thought, emotions, motivations and values which in Africans are instigated and maintained by the White Supremacists and Colonialists establishment in order to sustain its "normal" social order and relations. It is only when the disturbances are of such character, intensity or pervasiveness that they negate the usual or customary social controls and threaten the established social order are they deemed by the White mental health establishment as abnormal," ""maladaptive," or "pathological. and yet these conditions are created and maintained within the African milieu by the white rules in order for them to be always a step or more ahead on the African people.

"Domination and social control of Africans by Europeans resides in their ability to successfully intimidate their subordinated subjects; to convince them of the inevitability of White supremacy and of the awesome invincibility of of White power. The history of White-Black social relations has be one of unrelenting intimidation, terror, mental and physical abuse of African peoples: White-on-Black violence; of endemic injustice, and of the unending, unrequited attempts by subordinated Africans to avoid, escape, or some way to prevent, temper or ameliorate the horrendous aftereffects of these activities.

"Avoidance and escape from White-instigated anxieties preoccupy the consciousness and subconsciousness of poorest Africans. This preoccupation pathologizes, i.e., imbalances, the African psyche. Consequently, even the "normal" African under White domination is primarily motivted by the desire to escape - to actively or passively avoid or in some other way neutralize of alleviate the fearful effects of his oppression. By definition, White supremacy required that Africans be primarily motivated by anxiety and its avoidance in the interest of their White oppressors."(Wilson)

The really describes how Apartheid worked and operated. It logic and modus operandi is perfectly captured by Wilson above. This is important because this seems to have been lost to many since we now can vote. No, this reality is what is our present, here and now. by creating confusion and doubt within Africans, coupled with fear and intimidation, imposed hunger and ignorance, this was what Apartheid was doing, didd and its after effects is the chaos and mindlessness that we see all around us. Recognizing and being able to find out how these were inculcated in us, and how these regulate and control us, maybe we can think differently as to what we want to think, do and be. But forgetfulness seems to be the achilles heel of this self-freeing.

Amnesia

Total or partial loss of memory. A dissociative reaction, occurs when an individual represses from consciousness the recall or remembrance of entire periods or episodes in his life in oder to deny, escape, avoid the re-experiencing of certain painful feelings associated with those periods and episodes. Amnesia therefore results in the loss of pre-trauma identity, the motives and values related to that identity due to the repression of its relevant, crucially defining memories. (Wilson)

The west and the former colonialist's strategic need to deprive a massive African population of a common cultural platform from whence to mount a collective counterattack against its domination requires that it negates their common African identity, cultural, historical memories and related practices. This eradication of African cultural/historical memories was (is) undertaken so as to make possible the social manufacture of fashioning of an erstwhile African identity which can be reactively shaped and molded to fit the ongoing needs and interest of White supremacy.

The operative oppression of Africans by whites depends of the ability of Whites to create and maintain a discrepancy between what subordinate Africans think they were and as opposed to what they truly were; what they perceive themselves to be and what they truly are; what they think they should be and what they must be. Thus, in self defense and in the interest of self perpetuation the White supremacist establishment is compelled to induce and maintain in the African's consciousness a pervasive social amnesia regarding things positively African - an amnesia which is ostensibly "normal."

When the West enslaved and colonized Africans they manufactured propaganda slander and falsification of African history and culture constricted the continuing discovery, effective exposition, and self-actualization practice of their true and liberating realities; by punishing, deriding, and negatively reinforcing the reclamation and manifest behavioral expression by African persons, groups, and organizations.

The Imperialists and their created establishments, through their control of the domain of discourse of information and its general power to define realities, excludes the truth and beauty of African history and culture from its own and the collective consciousness of African peoples. Those who still and continue to control African people, and their contribution to the the collective character of African peoples is thereby negated and repressed, consequently distorting their cultural soul and cultural essence. (Wilson)

The dominant White regimes have (and still do) so expertly and consistently associated the history and culture of Africans with the evocation of feeling of shame, guilt, anxiety, betrayal, alienation, fear of social disapproval, mental and physical abuse, social ridicule, loss of social and economic status, humiliation, and all types of aversive emotions and consequences, until in pursuit of ego- and self-defense many Africans have (and do) feel compelled to reject and repress the search for the discovery of a true an liberating knowledge of themselves - thus creating the social amnesia which makes them behave like reactionary puppets strung along by the machinations of their dominant White puppeteers.

This "compelled" social amnesia on the part of subordinate Africans (which is facilitated by parental and subcultural modeling and conditioning throughout the life-span) not only disallows the discovery of reclamation of true self-knowledge by Africans themselves: It also disallows the discovery and exposure of the true, infamous history and culture of White supremacy and of those pathologically depraved whites who are its perpetrators. Ultimately, the repression of a true knowledge of self, i.e., of Africa and history and culture in subordinated Africans, is tantamount to the repression of a true knowledge of reality - the one true foundation upon which psychological and social sanity must be constructed. (Wilson)

The historical/cultural amnesia imposed on the collective African psyche by the repressive White Supremacist regime resulted not only in the sheer forgetting of their past, but also in their failure to learn from it; their failure to utilize it in their reckonings regarding reality and their appropriate relationship to it. This markedly reduced their capacity to know the murky side of the history and culture of their oppressors. It left them without an historical/cultural basis for a realistic and beneficial assessments of themselves and of others, for establishing corroborative expectations regarding their own behavior and that of their European nemesis.

Furthermore, the compelled social amnesia resulted in the absence of self-knowledge as well as the impairment of a related sense of purpose and meaningful existence. The absence of a functional knowledge of their cultural/historical past not only blinded Africans to import aspects of past realities but also to crucial, critical aspects of contemporary and future realities. Thus, they are easily beguiled and directed by their oppressors and their own ignorance to the benefit of their exploiters - and this was consequently to their own detriment.

Self Hatred and Deluded Apologetics: Frustrated Demeanors

Grandiose Delusions:

Wilson writes: "False beliefs held by an individual which are stubbornly retained and defended despite their logical inconsistencies with objective reality and valid evidence to the contrary. Not only do such beliefs persist directly in the face of contradictory evidence, they persist in the face of continuous negative consequences resulting from their being held."

The self-hatred of middle-class Africans is often revealed in the keen competition which exists among them for status and recognition. This keen competition is the result of the frustrations which they experience in attempting to obtain acceptance and recognition by Whites. Middle-class Africans are constantly criticizing and belittling Africans who achieve some recognition or who acquire status above them.

They prefer to submit to the authority of whites than to subordinate to other Africans. For example, African scholars generally refuse to seek the advice and criticism of competent African scholars and prefer to return to White scholars for such co-operation. In fact, it is difficult for Middle-class Africans to co-operate in any field of endeavor. This failure in social relations is, as indicated in an important study, because 'in every African he encounters his own self-contempt. It is as if he said, "You are only an African like myself; so why should you be in a position above me?" (Abraham Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey)

The self-hatred often results in guilt feelings on the part of the African who succeeds in elevating himself above his fellows. He feels unconsciously that in rising above other Africans he is committing an act of aggression which will result in hatred and revenge on their part. The act of aggression may be imagined, but very often it is real. This is the case when middle-class Africans oppose the economic and social welfare of Africans because of their own interests. In some American cities, it has been African bourgeoisie and not Whites who have opposed the building of low-cost public housing for African workers, and own some of the worst slums in the United States.

While their wives, who wear mink coats, "drip with diamonds" and are written up in the "society" of African newspapers, ride in Cadillacs and [Bentley's], whilst their African tenants sleep on the dirt floors of hovels unfit for human habitation. The guilt of the middle-class Africans is not always unconscious. For example, take the case of the African leader who proclaimed over the radio in a national broadcast that the Africans did not want social equity. He was conscious of his guilt feeing and his self-hatred in playing such a role, for he sent word privately to the Africans that he never hated so much to do anything in his life, but that it was necessary because of his position as head of a state college which was under White supervision. The self-hatred of the middle-class African arises, then, not only from the fact that he does not want to be an African, but also because of his sorry role in American[South African- my addition] society. (Frazier)

Africans seek an escape in delusions involving wealth. This is facilitated by the fact that they have had little experience with the real meaning of wealth, and they lack a tradition of saving and accumulation. Wealth to them means spending money without any reference to its source. Hence, their behavior generally reflects the worst qualities of the gentleman and peasant from whom their only vital traditions spring. Therefore, their small accumulation of capital and the income which they receive from professional services within the African (or White) community make them appear wealthy in comparison the low economic status of the majority of poor Africans.

The delusion of wealth is supported by the myth of African business. Moreover, the attraction of the delusion of wealth is enhanced by the belief that wealth will gain them acceptance in American[South African] life. In seeking an escape into the delusion of wealth, middle-class Africans make a fetish of material things or physical possessions. They are constantly buying things - house, automobiles, furniture and all sorts of gadgets, not to mention clothes. Many of the furnishings and gadgets which they acquire are never used; nevertheless, they continue to accumulate things.

The homes of many middle class Africans have the appearance of museums for the exhibition of American manufacturers and spurious art objects. The objects which they are constantly buying are always on display. African school teachers who devote their lives to "society" like to display twenty to thirty pairs of shoes, the majority of which they never wear. African professional men proudly speak of the two automobiles which hey have acquired when they need only one. The acquisition of objects which are not used or needed seems to be an attempt to fill some void in their lives. (Frazier)

The delusion of power also appears to provide an escape for middle-class Africans from the world of reality which pierces through the world of make-believe of the the African bourgeoisie. The positions of power which they occupy in the African world enable them to act autocratically towards other Africans, especially when they have the support of the White community. In such cases,the delusion of power may provide an escape from their frustrations. It is generally, however, when middle-class Africans hold positions enabling them to participate in the White community that they seek in the delusion of power an scape from their frustrations.

Although their position may be only a "token" of the integration of the African into America[South African] life, they will speak and act as if they were a part of the power structure of American[South African] society. The majority of the African bourgeoisie who seek an escape from their frustrations in delusions seemingly have not been able to find it in the delusion of of wealth or power. They have found it in magic or chance, and in sex and alcohol. Excessive drinking and sex seem to provide a means for narcotizing the middle-class African against a frustrating existence. A "social" function is hardly ever considered a success unless a goodly number of the participants "pass out". Despite the tinsel, glitter and gaiety of the world of make-believe in which the middle-class Africans take refuge, they are still beset by feeling of insecurity, frustration and guilt. As a consequence, the free and easy life which they appear to lead is a mask for their unhappy existence.

To pick up on Wilson's quote above wherein he defines "Delusions"makes note that Whites have from the distant past up to the present moment unabatingly continued to propagate historical and cultural falsehoods (concerning things African as well as European) as truths, fabricated evidence to support such confabulations and lies, continued to obscure reality and conceal their inhumane motives behind a papier-mache facade of humanity and hypocritical moral superiority. The creation, presentation, and sinister manipulation of powerful cultural images and ideas, information and ideology, symbols and values, rewards and punishments, social communications and interactions, have allowed Whites by dint of their overwhelming social power, to inculcate their subordinate African subjects with detrimental delusions whose attitudinal-behavioral expression advance the interests of White supremacy." (Wilson)

Fantasy

Related to delusion is Fantasy - the conscious and unconscious creating of images, wishes, hopes, scenarios,illusory thoughts and goals and their "acting-out" either only in the mind, or in their ritualistic, fetishistic "acting-out" in reality as substitutes for desires and hopes which cannot be gratified in actuality. Fantasy fills the vacuum of absent reality. It is a pretense, a passive or active charade, the pretentious living and acting of a daydream, a substitute for action, a hope tenaciously clung to in the face of hopelessness.

An escape from stress and frustration, fantasy gratifies frustrated desires by imaginary or substitute achievements - by defending the ego against paralyzing despair. Thus the easier accomplishments of make-believe are substituted for the harder accomplishments of real life endeavors. At that point, fantasy becomes self-defeating,maladaptive and self-destructive. Yet these fantasies become the characteristic fantasies of both the "normal" and "abnormal" oppressed.

Frustrations and reaction to fantasies are the hallmarks of oppression. To be oppressed is to have the most meaningful wishes, hopes, plans and expectations blocked and unfulfilled by oppression or the oppressive circumstances the oppressor erects and maintains. However, the reactionary fantasies and fanciful charades of the oppressed, their pursuit of vain hopes, addiction to substitute gratification, energizes and supports the oppressive regime and helps maintain their own oppression.

Their religion, handed-down by their oppressors, promises them rescue, a messiah, a Moses, "pie-in-the-sky" - and thus their revolutionary will is pacified. They wait on the Lord, the tribulation, and are gratified by religious ecstasies. Their oppressors are thus permitted to enjoy heaven-on-earth at their expense. Religions become opiates of the oppressed and conversely, opiates become their religions, and their addiction to both materially benefits their oppressors and exploiters.

The fantasy, nursed in the overheated imagination of oppressed Africans and often hypocritically encouraged by their oppressors, that they and their oppressors will one day live blissfully as one, blinds them to its intrinsically evil purpose, and the ultimate deadly intent. Thus, compensatory fantasy under oppression often comes to characterize, as a necessary adjunct to the oppressive regime, the normal consciousness of the oppressed.

Pathological Anxiety

Fears and anxieties which are grossly out of proportion to the actual dangers posed to any realistic danger or threat.Fear or dread resulting from an over-estimation of threat. Anxiety or dread of such overwhelming proportions that the individual feels compelled to deny or distort the portion of reality with which he associates such feelings, or to engage in self-deceptive, escapist and avoidant behavior as means of reducing or eliminating those feelings. Anxiety such that personal growth in important areas is blocked or retarded, or that the individual feels compelled to engage in anesthetizing, self-defeating and/or other forms of self-destructive behavior.

To be oppressed is to make how one feels or expects to feel, the measure of all things. To be oppressed is to be ruled through one's feelings and emotions. It is to be exquisitely exposed to and manipulated by a play on one's dreads and fears by one's oppressors; by a play on one's needs for respite from their terror; by a play on one's needs for catharsis, solace and compensatory joy. Anxiety is the whip in the hand of the oppressor used to drive the oppressed to completion of their appointed rounds. Under White rule, the operative presence of anxiety in the individual and collective psyche is a necessary constant. This is the case, whether these psyches be adjudged "normal" or "abnormal"." They are both pathological states, primarily defined by their different anxiety-ridden structural dynamics (Wilson)

It should be noted that in the subordinated African personality whether diagnosed as "normal" or "abnormal." much of the presence and operation of pathological anxiety is unconscious, i.e., unknown to its host. The subordinated African is hardly aware that his psyche, consciousness, and behavior have been subverted and misdirected by the Eurocentrically-conditioned operation of anxiety and its related psychological aftereffects (other symptoms).

White supremacy works most efficiently when subordinated Africans feel that they have freely chosen to think and behave the way they do when in actuality they have been subliminally compelled to do so by the psychopolitical machinations of their White oppressors. Thus, the subordinated African feels freest when he is most controlled. And his pursuit of apparent freedom is often the pursuit of unapparent enslavement.

WAYS OF OPPRESSION

Machinations of Oppression

Feared Fear

Steven Biko , from which the ideas of this capationed-sub topic will be culled, wanted to make cites Aime Cesare who once said: "When I turn on my radio, when I hear that Negroes have been lynched in America, I say that we have been lied to: Hitler is not dead: when I turn on my radio and hear that in Africa, forced labor has been inaugurated and legislated, I say that we have certainly been lied to: Hitler is not dead. Biko spins and flips it this way: "

"When I turn on my radio, when I hear that someone in Pondoland forest was beaten and tortured, I say we have been lied to: Hitler is not dead; when I turn on my radio, when I hear that someone in jail slipped off a piece of soap, fell and died, I say that we have been lied to: Hitler is not dead, he is likely to be found in Pretoria". Biko proceeds to further write extensively on the issues above saying: "To look for instances of cruelty directed at those who fall into disfavor with the security police is perhaps to look too far. One need not try to establish the truth of the claim that black people in South Africa have to struggle for survival. It presents itself in ever so many facets of our lives.

Township life alone makes it a miracle for anyone to live up to adulthood. There we see a situation of absolute want in which Black will kill black to be able to survive This is the basis of the vandalism, murder, rape and plunder that goes on while the real sources of the evil - White society - are suntanning on exclusive beaches in their bourgeois homes. While those amongst Blacks who do bother to open their mouths in feeble protest against what is going on are periodically intimidated with security visits and occasional banning orders and house arrests, the rest of the of the Black community lives in absolute fear of the police.

No average Black man can ever at any moment be absolutely sure that he is not breaking the law. There are so many laws governing the lives and behavior of Black people that sometimes one feels that the police only need to page at random through their statute book to be able to get a law under which to charge a victim. The philosophy behind police action in this country seem to be "harass them! harass them!". And one needs to add that they interpret the word in a very extravagant sense.

Thus, even young traffic policemen, people generally known for their grace, occasionally find it proper to slap adult Black people. It sometimes looks obvious here that the great plan is to keep the Black people thoroughly intimidated and to perpetuate the "super race"(White supremacy) ) image of the White man, if not intellectually, at least in terms of force. White people, working through their vanguard - the South African Police - have come to realize the truth of that golden maxim - if you cannot make a man respect you, you then make him fear you." (Bantu Biko) Fear has been and is still a reality that impinges upon the lives of Africans in south Africa.

For us to understand the Africans in South Africa today, we will cull much more deeply from Biko, in order for us to understand why they are acting the way they do, and continue to do, as we have noted from Wilson and others I have cited above. Bantu Biko informs us thus: "Clearly Black people cannot respect White people, at least not in this country. There is such an obvious aura of immorality and naked cruelty in all that is done in the name of White people that no Black man, no matter how intimidated, can ever be made to respect White society.

However, in spite of their obvious contempt for the values cherished by Whites and the price at which White comfort and security is purchased, Blacks seem to me to have successfully cowed down by the type of brutality that emanates from this section of the community." A mixture of this type of treatment, today by the ANC, is made worse because the ANC understands it clearly, and yet they have instead exacerbated it for the African people who feel that they are far more worse-off in poverty under their elected a Black government, and they recall with longing to the days of Apartheid, under the Boers, which makes the whole social reality and existence for Africans discombobulated life-style.

Karl Jaspers, as cited by Biko, has this to say about metaphysical guilt: "There exists amongst, because they are men, a solidarity through which each shares responsibility for every injustice and every wrong committed in the world and especially for crimes that are committed in his presence or of which he cannot be ignorant. If I do not do whatever I can to prevent them, I am an accomplice in them. If I have risked my life in order to prevent the murder of other men, If i have stood silent, I feel guilty in a sense that cannot in any adequate fashion be understood jurisdically or politically or morally ...

That I am still alive after such things have been done weighs on me as a guilt that cannot be expiated. Somewhere in the heart of human relations, an absolute command imposes itself: in case of criminal attack or of living conditions that threaten physical being, accept life for all together or not al all. The tripartite system of fear - that of White fearing the Blacks, the Blacks fearing the Whites and the [Apartheid government fearing the Blacks and wishing to allay the fear among whites - makes it difficult to establish rapport amongst the two groups diametrically opposed.

The White strategy so far has been to systematically break down the resistance of the Blacks to the point where the latter would accept crumbs from the White table" [of which Africans who were domestic servants used to carry those crumbs to their hovels so that their families could eat, whenever they got an off day, usually on thursdays]. Most Africans, at that time, rejected it to the extend that they overthrew the Apartheid government, and took over political power, but still lag behind in acquiring economical power for the hungry and huddled masses.

Biko states: "Any Black man who props the system up actively has lost the right to being considered part of the Black world: he has sold his soul for 30 pieces of silver and finds that he is in fact not acceptable to the white society he sought to join. They are colorless White lackeys who live in a marginal world of unhappiness. They are extensions of the enemy in our rank. On the other hand,the rest of the Black world is kept in check because of powerlessness. Powerlessness breeds a race of beggars who smile at the enemy and swear at him in the sanctity of their toilets, and who shout "Baas" willingly during the day and call the white man a dog in their buses as they go home." Once again, the concept of fear at the heart of this two-faced behavior on the part of the conquered Blacks.

The Two-ness: Two-Souls Of The Oppressed

One of the famous lines in Souls that was uttered by DuBois that, "The Problem of the Twentieth Century is the Problem of the Color-line."Wideman writes: "To the powerful and privileged Du Bois's message was simple: you are not alone. Those whom you have ruled, treated as inferior, as other species whose purpose on earth was to serve you or remain invisible, [or disappear them, as in the case of Brazil as discussed above- my addition], until called, those creatures have souls and inevitably you must encounter them, and the encounter will be on their terms as well as yours because the globe is shrinking and races and cultures will collide." Myths of superiority, the literal dominance of arms, numbers, or technological advantage can only maintain the old world order for a limited time

When one reads the introduction of "The Souls of Black Folks" by W.E.B.DuBois, written by Edgar Wideman, we find that what the last line wherein Biko points out to the two-faced behavior, the point becomes even more concrete, lucid and real as it relates to African people; Wideman puts it as follows: "For the oppressed Souls, is a beacon, a rallying cry, wherein the redrawing of the map of the world's peoples, venturing into unknown territory,supplying detail shape, and substance to what has been designated impenetrable swamp and desert. He locates us(Du Bois), sketches our features, gives us names.

Us turns out to be most people on the earth, people of color, emigrants, refugees, mixed bloods, exiles, the poor and dispossessed, women and men who didn't count, who were unseen and unheard. When I read about the two- ness,"two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body," I felt a great sense of relief. My experience was being validated. What I felt as a Black[African?] person in America counted, deserved to be on record.

It wasn't simple my personality, my overwrought imagination that created the alienation and ambivalence dogging me, my seesawing emotions as I negotiated the unspoken, unwritten iron rules of racial etiquette with their violent sanctions always simmering just below the surface. such matters could and should be hauled into the light of day. The color line raises the issue of identity. Theirs. Yours. Mine. Will we blend, change, survive, or is the color line one more measure of the limits of our collective imagination, our cultural graveyard of either/or terminal distinctions: black/white, male/female, young/old, good/bad, rich/poor, spirit/flesh?

These are the monumental questions and unresolved by last one hundred years, which have tumbled us, bloody and confused, onto the threshold of the twenty-first century[into the earlier part of the twenty-first century, today]. Souls remains relevant, so perceptive, so uncannily clairvoyant of what's wrong now because nothing has changed. Nothing has changed, to date, and perhaps never will. I'm chilled and angered by that thought. Anger fades into fear, fear for my children, yours; I am left with little hope, but averring what Du Bois' Afterthought of Souls, a wish conveying more longing than conviction: "in Thy good time may infinite reason turn the tangle straight." (Wideman)

Review Mirror Mindset

If through "infinite reasoning we will be enable to untangle the past and make it straight", then, I concur with Professor Clarke when he says that history sometimes tells you where you have been, in order to tell you where you are, so you can estimate where you still have to go. "The essence of neo-colonialism," observed Kwame Nrumah, "is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the trappings of international sovereignty. In reality, its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside." Fanon calls the "Black Soul" an artifact of the White man's artifact.

This means that the African elected government in South Africa is a poor copy of a neo-colonialist outfit and is in the service of its imperial masters. The present ruling ANC-led government and other governments like it through out Africa and the Diaspora, are reviving the old colonial order and are profiting greatly from it at the cost of huge human loss of life. They uphold the virtues and values of an order they were fighting against and keep on telling their polity that they are now free and are not the ANC's charge or responsibility. It has now become everybody for himself and dog-eat-dog-world throughout the South African escarpment.

Professor Clarke has this to say about freedom as it relates to Africans: "Africa and its people are figuratively and symbolically knocking at the door of the twenty-first century. Africans caught in the crossfire of the struggle for world power are learning some painful lessons they should have learned long ago: Mainly, freedom is not free. Freedom is something you take with your own hands. You maintain it with with your own hands. Freedom is not handed down from one generation to another. Each generation must assume the responsibility of securing their manhood.

In knocking at the front door of the twenty-first century, the Africans of the world are saying the progression of circumstances has changed us from being a people begging and pleading to a people insisting and demanding. It is futile for anyone to say that African people are not ready to rule themselves. They are ready as any people in the world." ANC has completely forgotten the mandate of African people and other poor Whites: to provide efficiently all the basic needs the people are asking for, and rule with justice and fairness- and do away with corruption, cronyism and nepotism that is steadily gnawing at the ANC's credibility, and it is only a matter of time that they'll reap the fruits of their arrogance and neglect of their polity.

They have forgotten the radical Black consciousness which called for revolution and a remaking of a new society. They have forgotten the promises and the propaganda they were splurging all over the world through the "Sechaba" publications, "ANC "Newsbriefing" and "Radio Freedom"(See the picture gallery)

Horton and Hunt observe: "The orderliness of a society rests a network of roles according to which each person accepts certain duties towards others and claims certain rights from others. An orderly society can operate only as long as most people reliably fulfill most of their duties towards others and are able successfully to claim most of their rights from others. Hence, a society generally includes a social order, "a system of people, relationships and customs operating smoothly to accomplish the work of a society. Unless people know what they may expect from one another, not much will get done.

No society, even the simplest, can function successfully unless the behavior of most people can be reliably predicted most of the time. However, on a more fundamental level, networks of social roles, of reciprocal rights and duties which define the social order of a society, must consistently be held in place and reinforced if the society itself is to remain functional and stable." This we do not see with the ANC-led government who choose to ignore its electorate and do the bidding of their masters: Multi-Corporations, Western government and other private investors like the World Bank, IMF, and FIFA!? for that matter!

It is important to state clearly at this point out that the ANC-led government is controlled from outside; it is not controlled nor advised by those who voted them into power(left on the sidelines as did the Apartheid regime treat the Africans); the ANC is arrogant and over- confident that they will remain in power perpetually and nothing they do to their people will remove them from power. This can be seen with their rhetoric trumpeted by their running dogs who claim that the ANC is 'here to stay', and they will will confidently win the Provincial elections which will be held shortly.

Someone should remind the ANC-led government that - social roles must be defined and maintained and the members of a society conditioned to fulfill and identify with them. Thus, the maintenance of a social order, a social system or society, calls for an underlying system which maintains and regulates its order - a system of social control. Horton and Hunt, again, provide us with a succinct definition: "Sociologists use the term social control to describe all means and processes whereby a group or a society secures its members' conformity to its expectations... the means through which people are led to fill their expected roles as expected." The ANC ignores this, and somehow, I think, at the end of the Provincial elections, it is going to b clear to the ANC that their sty in power is limited and they day of reckoning is nigh.

One among a number of important means by which a society, more specifically, the dominant group or class in a society, maintains the social order which if beneficial to its interests is through markedly influencing the ways individuals and groups who make up the social order perceive or define themselves. Such a socially conditioned perception or self-definition is generally referred to as the person's or group's self-concept. The self-concept is one of the major means by which person or group guides or orders his or her behavior.

Thus, to the degree that a person's or group's self-concept is influenced or shaped by another, that person or group is behaviorally directed according to this perception of his or itself, i.e., the degree to which his or its self-concept is concept is conditioned and defined by another, the self concept acts as an instrument of social control, or more precisely, and instrument of social power.

Hence, the self-concept of a subordinate individual or group which has been conditioned and defined by a dominant individual or group is controlled or at least, noticeably influenced by the dominant other. The self-concept of the subordinate party may be said to reflect in its character and behavior the power of the dominant party and, moreover, to serve in effect as the instrument of the other party's power. This is how the ANC has been made to be like: unable to serve its voters, but acquiescing to the interests of big local and international capital

This is what I call a rearview mirror mindset because instead of changing into the future, the rulers in South Africa are maintaining an order they were fighting against; they keep on going back to the master to ask what it is they should do next; they keep on rehashing the old order and trumpeting it to its polity as 'change'. In sum, people are largely controlled by being socialized or socially conditioned to perceive themselves in certain ways, and thereby to behave in certain ways so as to fill their roles in maintaining a social order.

The social order is most efficient and stable when individuals and groups "fill their roles in the expected way through habit and preference" as well as identify with their roles to the extent that they perceive them as defining who they naturally are. They and the role become one and the same. If a social order is to function efficiently, "Its members must acquire the kind of character which makes them want to act in the way they have to act"as members of a particular social order or system controlled by the dominant group.

The subordinate group is thereby conditioned by the dominant group to desire, to feel and act in ways which necessarily help maintain the power of the dominant group and the social order which oppresses and exploits them. Consequently, the subordinate group's self-concept at the same time was that it was the instrument of the dominant group's power, it was also the instrument of its own powerlessness. Instead of ruling over a newly democratically elected government in South Africa, the ANC--led government keeps on looking for answers from its oppressors and former masters, and keeps on going back for more advice form their former masters in their ruling over South Africa,while in the process ignore their voting block, and instead, overbears it with arrogance and hopelessness whilst informing this disgruntled polity with assurances that they are not going to loose their hold on power anytime soon, or ever! So, with the ANC-led- government," it's backward ever and forward never" mindset consistently and continuously props-up foreign and local investors that it will remain business as usual in South Africa.

AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Catacombs of Irrelevant And relevant Details: Synergy

Chinweizu writes: "Special mention must be made of the Nigeria-Biafra War in which, no matter the local causes, Africans killed millions of Africans, and African leaders suffered them to be killed, for the primary and ultimate benefit of British Investments in Nigeria. Had we understood better the international context in which our problems would be so manipulated, we might have found other solutions to our troubles.

My efforts to understand that conflict and its implications convinced me that we of the Third World, and Africans especially, must endeavor to see clearly the larger system of things in which we are enmeshed or be irretrievably lost in the catacombs of irrelevant details; and that we must understand the awful predicament that binds us together or we shall be be repeatedly manipulated to fight one another and so hasten the march of disaster upon ourselves.."

Our lack of understanding our history, its origins and the manipulation of those origins by our enslavers, and our contemporary history, will forever leave us ignorant of our present and how we must control and design our future, at the same time leave us constantly wide open for exploitation by others - so says Chinweizu, and I concur.

As we have tabulated above, we have to attempt to focus on the the arsenal of techniques accumulated and assembled against Africans to serve Western Imperialism, and upon the the structures and processes whereby the West constrains events, determines Africans' view and actions, and shapes our realities, If tis approach can contribute to the readers of this Hub, not the expert, but as I have stated above, "those who know" how these problems facing Africans were this deep, as tabulated within this Hub, that, all that is written about Africans in South Africa should be written about them, through their own experiences, eyes and historiographical authenticity, guided and written by Africans. A lot of people visit countries like South Africa and overnight become "experts" on South Africa and its peoples, history and cultures.

Hubs like the one above are written for, and by an African for Africans and all those of other races who know, and need to have some understanding and be able to come up with their own synergy of the reality about Africans from the past to up to the writing of this hub and beyond. To begin to understand Africans anywhere in the world, we will defer to Professor Clarke who instructs us as follows:

"African history is as old as world history. In fact, African history is the essence of world history. In order to understand African history in its true light, it may be necessary to place Africa at the center of world history and to tart the rest of human history from that center. With the second rise of Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and the creation of the slave trade and the colonial system that followed, and the African were systematically read out of world history [my italics and and underlining]

The Europeans knew then and now that you cannot successfully oppress a consciously historical people. They had to forget, or pretend to forget, all they had previously known about African people. They had to forget the meeting between and what would become of the Europeans prior to the Greco-Roman period. They had to neglect that small body of significant literature on the role of the Africans in Early Europe(see my Hub on The Moors in Spain), Africans in Early Asia(An Article I am working on, presently), and Africans in early America(Another Hub being researched and developed), the Caribbean Islands, the Islands of the Pacific, and in Africa itself.

In order to justify the slave trade, the Europeans created an African people in their minds who never actually existed. They created a people with no known culture and no known contact with a civilized way of life. This was a lie [and a ruse] then and is a lie [and a ruse] now. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when Europeans began the process of the slave trade and eventually colonization of most of the world, they not only colonized history, they colonized most of the information about history[my italics].

Prof. Clarke continues: "To do this successfully, Europeans had to ignore masterpieces in world history written by Europeans on the true history of Africa, especially Egypt. ... The Europeans forgot that the civilization of Egypt predates the existence of Europe. No non-African people would have entered Africa and built such a splendid civilization in Africa without first building a similar one at home.

This rules out both the Europeans and Asians of creating any durable civilization in Africa. To acknowledge that the Africans were the creators of the splendor of Africa is also to acknowledge the Africans as thinkers, planners and developers of great and imaginative ideas. In essence, this would mean to humanize Africans. The Europeans dehumanized all Africans in their minds in order to justify slavery and colonization."

In the beginning of the Hub above, I set out to explain issues which are misinformation about Africans in South, and extended the article to Africans in the Diaspora to show the side of slavery and colonization from an African people's perspective; also, how this affects and effects their reality and existence from the era of Apartheid, to the rule under the ANC-led government.

The business deal that went down during the Talks of National Unity, Codessa and the "Talks about the Talks" that took before Mandela came out of jail and took place after Mandela came to power, were all in favor of the former political and economical rules of the Apartheid era, and these continue to date, unabated, unhinged, in fact, more powerful and deadly than before. I have already addressed some of these issues and how they took place or happened within the hub above

In reality, America, along with South Africa, both are not a democracy - not even a pluralistic democracy - as far as Africans are concerned. It is obvious that public policies favor the White nation, in both nations and throughout the African Diaspora, and large-investor, ruling White male-elite interests in particular. This favoritismwas brought at a very substantial cost to the Africans, and the lower classes and other out-groups in general. Under present circumstances the government serves those who can best serve themselves(Parenti).

And those who can best serve themselves are those groups who possess a strong group consciousness and identity; who know their interests well and pursue them with energetic single-mondedness; who are well-organized, exclusive and cohesive; who possess the political savvy and expertise, information processing and dissemination know-how, as well as the courage and will to exercise power without being squeamish. "In reality... this is distributed among heavily entrenched, well organized, well-financed politico-economic conglomerates that can [produce and] reproduce the social conditions needed for continued elite hegemony."(Parenti)

In order for Africans to wield power in America or South africa, or an economically powerful, nationalistic class which represents its interest, it will have to establish itself as one of those "heavily entrenched, well organized, well financed, politico-economic conglomerates." It is also important that the Africans communities in both countries, in ways paralleling the White Male elite and White Nations(of both countries), must control the socialization and indoctrination for its constituents and the recruitment and training of its business, governmental and nongovernmental leadership. This leadership must deeply apprise itself and the community of the real workings of the US and South African government and the means of influencing it to its own benefit. It may be a toll order, but it is doable.

Towards and beyond the Provincial Elections

"Deliver of Face the Wrath of the People," so it is written in Sowetan. The people want to see delivery of HIV-Aids drugs and sound and good delivery from the ANC-led government as the Provincial elections loom large. Some leaders are sounding off warnings as they cite events in North Africa and the Middle east. These local leaders warn their ANC leaders that they will loose the confidence of the people, and that the movement's rulers should be cognizant of the fact that they are not 'elected and traditional leaders in the government posts". Most leaders caution them to refrain from making inflammatory political speeches leading up to the coming municipal elections.

The local businessmen and activists in the townships are attacking the Pakistani shopkeepers, who easily get licenses, whereas the locals are stalled, stonewalled and denied these licenses, thus, the local 'Mama and Papa stores' are now owned and run a motley crew of Pakistanis and other nationalities, which in turn shuts the street and home businesses the local Africans had made for their survival. The Police, whenever the hostilities erupt between the foreigners who own shops, and locals who lost their shops, say the police protect the foreigners, and the local people accuse the police and the ANC-led government for being in cahoots with these foreigner shop owners in the midst of the poor and toiling masses.

Some wonder if the elections will be free and fair and that the will of the people will be respected, or face the events as we see in the parts of north Africa facing fierce conflagrations. The elections are said to have been free, but the the ANC policemen are committing egregious acts against the local populace and are assisted in this stead by the DA(remember the DA, formerly it was known as the Nationalist Party during the Apartheid era)

Other Malingering Issues: The Landless and Homeless Wretched Africans

In Wikipedia we find the following Except: "The No Land! NoNote! campaign began as a national campaign by the Landless People's Movement (LPM) in 2004. Originally called the 'No Land! No Vote!' Campaign, the landless People's Movement and the National Land Committee argued that voters have to be registered in the home ward to vote and that it would be impossible to vote if families were under threat of eviction or had no secure tenure. Amnesty International has reported that LPM activists were tortured during the 2004 national government elections after taking on a 'No Land! No Vote! position.

During the 2009 national campaign, the No Vote Campaign suffered severe repression by political parties and the police. On 8 February 2009, the South African Police allegedly beat and tear-gassed Gugulethu residents who were holding a meeting about housing because the ANC provincial chairperson Mcebisi Skwatsha claimed they were disrupting voters registration. Eigh members of the Landless Peoples Movement were also arrested in March 2009 and some clam that this is related to the No Vote Campaign by the poor people's aAlliance. In the 2009 elections, 39% of voters supported the ANC. The DA has and is till committing some atrocities (see the picture Gallery)

Abahlali baseMjondlo, the Durban shack dwellers' movement have withstood systematic state repression, incuding 84 arrests and counting,on criminal charges, and they continue to grow from a struggle that was begun by a few hundred in one settlement to a movement that has mobilized tens of thousands of people in settlements across the cities and the whole of South Africa. The Abahlali are committed to the day-to-day practice of Democracy where people live.

They have democratized settlements, created and defended political autonomy resolutely independent of political parties and the state, introduced all kinds of innovation into popular political culture, won space for shack dwellers' voices and forced the eThekwini Municipality's slum clearance policy into a legitimation crisis. However, the various levels of government seem determined to limit democracy to the state managed spectacle of elections and to represent the humanity of shackdwellers and sometimes collapses into the enduring reality of outright racism.

The first reason for us to listen to how the poor speak of their own condition is simply that we must try to understand their terms. S'bu Zikode puts the situation in plainer terms: "Our struggle is for the moral questions, as compared to the political questions as such. It is more about justice, it is more about moral questions ... is it good for the shack dwellers' to live in the much like pigs, as they are living? Why do I have to live in a cardboard house if there are people who are able to live in a decent house[or mansions and castles?]? So, it's a moral question."

There is anther reason to listen closely to what the poor are saying. They are pointing to some of the most persistent and pernicious social injustices of the new democratic dispensation, hitherto well concealed by political rhetoric. It is important to look back into the poor peoples plight in regards to their treatment by those who would come to canvass their votes come election times. One thing the shackdwellers say is that they have ben betrayed. For the shackdwellers, it points to a profound dissonance between political practice and democratic ideals, a dissonance that directly translates into lived realities.

Figlan explains how democracy is used to the advantage of the people, gesturing at a broken bed in the corner of the shack where he was was having this interview: "You see, I don't think it's clever, if today you promise me that you are going to give me this bed, and then you keep this bed up until the next election, and then you promise me this bed again ... The only thing I must say is, the best thing is you do (is to) give me this bed before I vote (again).

Give me this bed because I voted and you didn't give me this bed, but you promised it to me ,,, No, I mustn't vote for you." People are disgruntled over the kind of rule imposed on them by the ANC-led government: "The government said good things before, but they never did even one. Yeah, the government promised us lots of things, but they never did even one. Not one good thing. Like now, I am 30 years living here. And I'm still living here, no different. Still no toilet, still no electricity, still no house." This are the simple and legitimate complains that one gets to hear amongst the poor and neglected people's of South Africa[see the picture gallery which shows the living conditions of the Afrikaners and other poor whites in South Africa]

The world "Politics" has become taboo. It has become a euphemism for the hollow, ineffectual gestures of local government officials that are demeaning more than sincere or helpful. It has come to represent the "democratic" process that brings only disappointment and false promises. M'du Hlongwa puts it this way: "In those days, Yakoob Baig (the eThekwini Ward 25 councillor) used to come with some pots of Breyani, to the side of the road.

We said no, we are not dogs, we are not animals, that you have to dish food from a stand and then forget about them, until you remember, oh, we have to go and give food to the shack dwellers again. ... No, we are not pets, we are human beings. We have to be treated like human beings ... He comes with the pot in the morning, and then he disappears for three or four weeks, then he comes with the pot again. What does that mean?" Hlongwa, adds and echoes powerfully his criticism of politics as mere "show", and the sense of neglect that results: "We think our government is ignoring us, or they have forgotten us. They only remember us when they need us to vote for elections. And they promise whatever. I think our democracy is just to vote for them. And then we go back and sit in the mud." This has just happened again during the 2011 Provincial elections to the poor voting people of South Africa.

Historical Amnesia

Many of us, as individuals, seek to forget our history and do want to confront our history because of our anxiety, the anger, the fear, the shame, the guilt we feel when we read about some aspects of the African experience, and hence will often stay away from it. We think we have escaped its effects thereby. ... simply because we don't know our history, and may have not heard of it, does not mean that the history does not control our behavior.

Amnesia is a state where a person seek unconsciously to forget aspects of his/her past life because apparently those aspects are painful, and, therefore, the individual seeks to rid himself of his conscious remembrance of painful experience - he seeks to rid himself of anxieties and fears connected with them. He may then succeed in forgetting those experiences completely, to the point where he cannot recall them, but this does not mean that those experiences do not continue to operate within his personality. When we attempt to escape our history because we're afraid of it, when we escape knowledge because it terrifies and makes us feel ashamed, then it is terror and fear and shame that determines our lives.

History is directly related to our concrete existence; it is not something you happen to take in school. It is part of our real lives because without it, it will make us take dope, become alcoholics, steal, and it'll make us do all kinds of terrible things because our lives are not determined by relating to history appropriately - but determined by fear. (Amos)

The way Africans are behaving in South Africa, the lessons taught to us by Wilson are spot on. African in south Africa, because of what Apartheid did to their historiographical history and reality, display the symptoms of people who are not aware of their history, nor the power an impact of history to any people.

Africans forget and ignore their history to their own peril and detriment.This is one fact this hub would like to stress and emphasize. Serious awareness and recollection of this fact needs to be dug-into much deeper than I am doing in this hub. All the same, this part of African history is further elaborated even much more elegantly and intelligently is Amos who writes thus:

"Those people and parents who have escaped their own history as a result of trying to escape anxiety, fear, shame and so forth, may pass escapism onto their children as history. That history of escapism then becomes a part of their personality and they become vulnerable to addictions and all other kinds of terrible habits and orientations in the world. Why do we think we were robbed of our history if it was not to serve this purpose? The idea that one not knowing one somehow permits one to escape it is a lie.

In fact, it brings one under the domination of the more pernicious effects of that history and opens the personality up for self-alienation, self-destruction. This is evident throughout the ghettoes and shacks sprawling throughout the South African political, social and cultural landscape. A person who is suffering from amnesia lives a life based on negation, not on affirmation, not on growth and development, but lives life in such a way as to deny life and reality and to deny parts of his own personality and himself.

Life then becomes a negation and is used to maintain a negation instead of life as it should be lived - as affirmation, as growth, enhancement and development. And people who live their lives as a negation live the lives that we see ourselves living today - going deeper and deeper into hell and going deeper into self-destrution as a people. (Amos) Ordinary South Africans and other peoples throughout the oppressed and depressed world can relate to the point Amos is making.

History of the African Peoples

History is real; it brings real, tangible results. when we wish to negate it and not integrate it, when we wish to negate it and not affirm it, then it negates us in the end. The negation wins out. The African person who lives in social amnesia brought on by the projection of mythological Eurocentric history, lives a life that is unintegrated and misunderstood. Why is our behavior so puzzling to us? We sometimes ask ourselves, "why did I do that? I don't know what makes me do this?" Here's behavior flowing out from our own mind and personality and we don't know its sources.

It means that we become a puzzlement to ourselves, the ones we think we should understand best. Often,other people can understand us better than we can understand ourselves. Frequently they have a greater knowledge of the history that made us into who we are than we do. If we don't know our history, or if we've made our history unconscious and therefor placed it out of awareness, that unconscious history becomes a source of unconscious motivation, then why we behave the way we do becomes a puzzle. We're confused by our own behavior. If we want to know why we behave the way we do, then we must know our history: the unconscious must be made conscious.

When we get into social amnesia - into forgetting our history - we also forget or misinterpret the history and motives of other as well as our own motives. The way to know other people is to know one's self. The way to learn our own creation, how we came to be what we are, is getting to know ourselves. It is through getting to know the self intimately that we get to know the forces that shaped us as a self. Therefore, knowing the self becomes a knowledge of the world. A deep study in African History is the most profound way to learn about the psychology of Europeans and to understand the psychology that flows from their history.

If we do not know ourselves, not only are we a puzzle to ourselves: other people are also a puzzle to us as well. We assume the wrong identity and identify ourselves with our enemies. If we don't know who we are, then we are whomever somebody else tells us we are. In this way, Africans in South Arica are close to extinction/being de-Africanized and or disappeared for who they are is being determined by those who just met them nor seen them really up close, or only read about.

The History of Africans in South Africa

Bantu Writes: "A long look should be taken at the educational system for African. The same tense situations was found as long ago as the arrival of the missionaries. Children were taught, under the pretext of hygiene, good manners and other such vague concepts, to despise their mode of upbringing at home and to question the values and customs of their society. The reult was the expected one - children and parents saw life differently and the former lost respect for the latter [This technique has now been made efficient when African parents put their children into Model C schools, and these children now create tensions in their families and communities when they try very hard to emulate their school-lifetyles/miseducation they come and present among their brethren and only receive scorn and criticism for acting and behaving in alien ways in front of their families and communities].

Now in African society it is a cardinal sin for a child to lose respect fro his parent. Yet how can one prevent the loss of respect between child and parent when the child is taught by his know-all white tutors to disregard his family teachings? Who can resist losing respect for his tradition when in school his whole cultural background is summed up in one word - Barbarism? Thus we can immediately see the logic of placing missionaries in the forefront of the colonization process.

A man who succeeds in making a group of people accept foreign concepts in which he is expert, makes them perpetual students whose progress in th the particular field cn only be evaluated by him; the student must constantly turn to him for guidance and promotion. Inbeing forced to accept the Anglo-Boer culture, the Africancs have allowed themselves to be at the mercy of the White mand and to have him as their eternal supervisor. [As has been discussed and shown above in this Hub, the ANC did just that, aligned themselves to and consult with the Local and big international Capital in matters of the economy.

The ANC is dependent on the advise and execution of the grander Imperialistic economy in ruling and running the country- my addition] Only he can tell us how good our performance is and instinctively each of us is at pains to please this powerful, all-knowing master. This is what Black Consciousness seeks to eradicate." (Bantu) These are the ideas and thoughts that the ANC seeks to eradicate and impose their brand upon within South Africa.

Bantu continues to educate us as follows: "As one African writer says, colonialism is never satisfied with having the native in its grip but, by some strange logic, it must turn to his past and disfigure and distort it. Hence the history of the African man in this country is most disappointing to read. It is presented merely as a long succession of defeats. The Xhosas were thieves who went to war for stolen property; the Boers never provoked the Xhosas but merely went on "punitive expeditions" to teach the thieves a lesson. Heroes like Makana(early nineteenth-century prophet, sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island and drowned while escaping in a boat-Moshweshwe, Kreli, Sikhukhuni ans so forth should be taught even much more seriously and clearly.

Refusal by Africans to accept the truth of his death led to the mythical hope of his eventual return). Those who were essentially revolutionaries are painted as superstitious trouble-makers who lied to the people about bullets turning into water. Great nation-builders like Shaka are cruel tyrants who frequently attacked smaller 'tribes' for no reason but for some sadistic purpose.

Not only is there no objectivity in the history taught us, but there is frequently an appalling misrepresentation of facts that sicken even the uninformed student. Thus, a lot of attention has to be paid to our history is we as Africans want to aid each other in our coming into consciousness. We have to rewrite our history and produce in it the heroes that formed the core of our resistance to the White invaders. More has to be revealed, and stress has to be laid on the the successful nation-building attempts of men such as Shaka, Moshoeshoe and Hintsa.

These areas call for intense research to provide sorely-needed missing links. We would be to naive to expect our conquerors to write unbiased histories about us, but we have to destroy the myth that our history starts in 1652, the year Van Riebeeck landed at the Cape. (Bantu) This Hub may not reach that goal, but it will surely highlight statements made by Biko in such a way they act as reminders of our history and what really happened to Africans in South Africa, and how this was done or carried out, even executed onto the Africans in South Africa

Bantu informs us thus: "Our culture must be defined in concrete terms. We must relate the past to the present and demonstrate a historical evolution of the modern African man. There is a tendency to think of our culture as astatic culture that was arrested in 1652, and has never developed since. The 'return to the bush' concept suggests that we have nothing to boast of except lions, sex and drink. We accept that when colonization sets in it devours the indigenous culture and leaves behind a bastard culture that may thrive at the pace allowed it by the dominant culture. But we also have to realize that the basic tenets of our culture have largely succeeded to withstand the process of bastardization and that even at this moment we still demonstrate that we appreciate a man for himself. Ours is a true 'man-centered' society whose sacred tradition is that of sharing.

When Biko wrote this piece, the effects of technology were beginning to assert themselves, and since then life's realities and technical advancement has completely enveloped and gripped and taken over society facilitated by new and emerging modern technology, and that they[Africans] are disappearing or becoming instinct as a culture and people since they are agains gypped and left behind due to poverty and imposed ignorance on them by both Apartheid and the ANC-led government).

Bantu continues further: "These are essential features of our African culture to which we must cling. African culture above all implies freedom on our part to innovate without recourse to White values. This innovation is part of the natural development of any culture. A culture is essentially the society's composite answer to the varied problems of life. We are experiencing new problems everyday and whatever we do adds to the richness of our cultural heritage as long as it has man as its centre. The adoption of African theatre and drama is one such important innovation which we need to encourage and to develop.

We know that our love of music and rhythm has relevance even in this day. Being part of an exploitative society in which we are often the direct objects of exploitation, we need to evolve a strategy towards our economic situation. We are aware that the Africans are still colonized even within the border of South Africa [this time the Africans have been colonized for the past 18 and more years under the ruse and guise that the are free and are living in a democratic country - LIE!- my insertion]. Their cheap labor has helped to make South Africa what it is today-and their oppression gives respite to the detractors and abusers to loot the wealth of the country in plain sight.

Our money from the townships takes a one-way journey to shops and banks, and all we do in our lives is pay the White man either with labor or in coin. Capitalistic exploitative tendencies coupled with the overt arrogance of White racism, have conspired against us [the ANC has added to this conundrum]. Thus, in South Africa now it is very expensive to be poor[to date, it is instead a nightmare for the poor]. It is the poor people who stay furthest from town and therefore have to spend more money on transport to come to work for White people [still the case today.

It's the poor people who use uneconomic and inconvenient fuel like paraffin and coal because of the refusal of the white man [and the ANC with their making people buy electricity and water in coupons to install electricity in the African areas-this is still a serious case under the ANC-led government]; it is the poor people who are governed by many ill-defined restrictive laws and therefore have to spend money on fines for "technical" offenses; it is the poor people who have no hospitals(Or building lie empty built for hospitals and they lie unfinished because funds have been depleted by corruption and Tenders) and are therefore exposed to exorbitant charges by private doctors [clinics today often lack adequate medicine for the who are poor in the townships].

The poor people who use untarred roads, have to walk long distances, and therefore experience the greatest wear and tear on commodities like shoes;it is the poor people who have to pay for their children's books White Whites get them free. It does not need to be said that it is the African people who are poor." (Bantu) It is the poor today who have to sacrifice their monies in order to send their children to "Model C" expensive schools, and they are the ones who are left with poor and dysfunctional schools in the Townships and so on.

That much has not change when all was being trumpeted as change, remains the maxim today in South africa. Biko had it all right when he wrote all this stuff during the height of Apartheid. today, nothing has changed, and the education of the poor is more expensive or very backward. In this case, the degree of deterioration seems to have traversed three and half centuries, when the colonialists first started to formulate some kind of education for African children...

The Big Minority: The Wretched Of Mzantsi

The history of Africans should be written anew and must be as detailed as possible, even though Africans in South Africa have had to go through all what has been discussed above and are still going through it, to date. It is easy for those who come into South Africa to be instant analysts and historians and critics about a people they do not really know, and who are still struggling with the abuses of Apartheid and now are enduring another round of backwardness and oppression ushered in by the new government.

As I have noted above that if Africans do not know their historical selves and their selves, they will be under foreign domination of all sorts. African people in South Africa, the majority of the population, are the poorest and still live in archaic and debilitating conditions and existence that they do not have enough computers per house, and depend on a few "Internet Cafe" outlets which too, are a few and most of the time have crashed for the day, or weeks, and /or are subject to the indiscriminate electric shut downs that are a frequent occurrence in the Townships.

As the information world is blippin-on an virilling in to the internet world well into the future, Africans are stagnant and are left wondering where the next slice of bread, or a cup of mielie will come from; they have no time nor money to buy computers or laptops, let alone have an internet account for themselves in their homes, because that money could better serve them in buying food for their families. These critics and analysts/talking heads, neglect that Africans to talk about the fact that the majority who are still living in the Township in droves, has been oppressed now as they see them for the past three-hundered plus years as they now see and meet and live amongst them, has gone unnoticed by by these detractors.

It is easy to come into a country, do better than the inhabitants, and one's advantage being facilitated by the former oppressors of the indigenous people, that in the end, a foreigner living better looks at the locals from the bottom of their noses, and denounces them as lazy, unimaginative, etc.,; write atrocious things about them; be rude and behave as if they are not the visitors in that land; blame the locals for xenophobia; commit criminals and other abominable acts; and live better than the locals, then turn around and blame the victim who is in reality the owner of the land and their host; meanwhile, the local Africans feel unprotected by the government and the police that are supposed to be protecting them; people have seen the promises made to them by the ANC amount to nothing less than the dream, but a nightmare, disappointment, worst poverty, malnutrition,disease-ridden families, crime-ridden communities and the whole bit!

On the 12th of February 2010 African South Africans rioted against the ANC government, and they were protesting the debilitating conditions. The Vast Minority posted the report that "coming at the same time as the ANC establishment's celebration of the 20th Anniversary of Nelson Mandela's release from jail, the uprising exposed the hypocrisy behind the 'new' South Africa. The African National congress(ANC) promised to deliver such bare necessities when it came into power in 1994, ending decades of White minority rule."

But the ANC came into power and exacerbated the post-Apartheid African reality into the worst nightmare the people have ever seen, from 1994 to date. The Vast Majority chugs-on: "Many poor South Africans are starting to lose patience with their government. 'A better life for all,' was the party's slogan at the time and yet today some feel this dream has remained just that. Though the 'We' is occasionally used in rallies, the residents have nothing to be hopeful after witnessing and living through the past 20 year, and now some are carrying petrol bombs and large stones and vow to harm anyone who dares stop them in venting their frustrations.

"We are sick and tired of waiting," yells a woman from that crowd gathered around me. "Mandela has been out of jail for 20 years, 20 years and nothing has changed there." Meanwhile burning tires litter the streets; every road was blockaded with piles of large rocks, thick black smoke fills the air, the sound of rubber bullets is followed by loud screams - this South African Township is alive and its anger is spilling over.(for the part of the narration, one can see the pictures in the photo gallery, and this time, it was cause by Zille's DA police(i.e., the wards that Zille controls and had won through the votes she won).

The media suggests that the police have beaten and tortured a number of people while hunting for 'community leaders' in the areas. This may be an early indication of how the ANC plans to deal with grass roots threats to its political hegemony in south Africa(One can see this in Quatro, to the Abahlali basemjondolo, up to the World Cup and now the upcoming and soon will be passed Provincial elections, where in the African polity is beginning to look at the ANC critically and anew), as has been indicated in the Hub above.

The level of popular protest against the ANC in African communities is a great embarrassment to the Party and the government. To their great relief this disaffection has not yet translated into a significant loss of electoral support for the Party, although it eventually just - as in the case of Helen Zille who is showing a somewhat strong showing in the ANC electoral enclaves or wards, and the latest is that she won some of the wards in the Gauteng Areas, and so did the ANC win some in wards like Orania and Midvaal. It must have dawned on the ANC that the threat of their political hegemony in South Africa does not come from Mr. Zille in Cape Town as from the sense of disillusionment growing in the poor and African communities.

The specific risk being that a grass root protest movements might pulls the political rug out from under current leadership of the ANC, though, even if they did, the ANC still has some less clout, but clut, and all indications are that ie has or will win the Provincial elections, but going into it with cautionary stride, yet playing the winner role(i.., the ANC). If these assumptions are correct, then it is difficult to escape the conclusion that what concerns the State in Balfour is not so much the violence and disorder in the community, but rather that the community is establishing a leadership structure outside of the hegemony of the ANC.

Today it is nearly twenty years to the day since Mandela walked out of prison. We are left to reflect whether any of his party's supporters thought that they would again see the day when the police broke down their doors in the middle of the night and with threats of violence demanded to know the whereabouts of the 'community leaders'. Dejavu - The horror days of secret police who were running the state of terrorism is beginning to take root and are back in South Africa, under the ANC-led government.

What all this means is that the ANC-led government is behaving as conditioned by their masters on how to 'take care of business' in the Pavlovian credo. They are following the blue print that directs them on how to follow-up oppression of their people to a "T" after they took over power in 1994. On the other hand, the ANC would show off Alliance partners, when it wants to appear progressive, and or told when to shut up, whenever they are in a position to make meaningful political and economical decisions and sides with the same imperialists and domestic corporate capital.

The leadership of COSATU and SACP have from time to time proven over the past 20 years to be wholly unable to actually lead and independent working class politics and struggle - choosing instead the personal privileges and material comforts that come with their "influential" positions vis-a-vis the Alliance with the ANC and the government it leads.

So long as the above conditions persists among the poor in South Africa, to those who might get some intellectual or ideological comfort, and still hanker after the "old ANC" of the pre-1994 and who refuse to recognize the realities of working class struggles that have been going on in South Africa since 1994- to depict the ANC as some kind of victim of neo-liberal globalization and the failure of commandists 'socialism', there is no one else to blame for the mess that the ANC has led itself into but the ANC.

It's not that I'm 'ignoring' the global "economic and ideological context of imperialist neo-liberal domination" but rather saying that the the ANC has embraced it. Year in and year out since the mid-1990s to date, the ANC has actively and energetically defended that embrace and expanded its neo-liberal inspired policies (which are simply too numerous to mention here, but have attempted to caricature within the Hub above).

In the Hub above I have delineated some, but tells the working class constituency that it o represents it, which has translated to evictions, unemployment running up to 40%, cut-offs of water and electricity because of cost recovery, privatization/corporatization of key public utilities, huge increases in basic food prices, AIDS/HIV disease increasing and lack of pills in clinics, poor and sloppy township delivery systems etc. The seems to me like retrogression on an already underdeveloped, starved and battered polity, feeling desperate and being left and kicked to the curb.

The ANC has weakened itself - indeed, it has virtually destroyed its own grassroots structures and activists over the last 20 years in the name of state managerialism and the old mantra about there being 'no alternative'. The ANC has fundamentally turned its back on its own base constituency and the principles and promises of the liberation struggle[these can be found in the "Sechaba's" posted in the picture gallery], opting instead to put its 'faith' in international/domestic corporate capital and the development of a new African Capitalist class.

The evidence of this is wherever one looks in all the metropole and coastal and hinterland South Africa). In the process, it has turned radical potential into reactionary reality: sliding up to a long list of "third world" dictators/oppressors; adopting immigration policies that treat fellow Africans as aliens and criminals' who take away jobs from poor African South Africans[at the same time giving those 'aliens menial jobs(good paying jobs for low wages to Africans from the north of South Africa, and denying their own polity jobs, who now form an army of the unemployed roaming the township streets, disgruntled, hungry and very angry-no jobs or income to survive.

In so doing, the ANC has been stoking a simmering xenophobia and reactionary nationalism; the ANC used the coercive power of the state to try and smash independent working class organizations and other struggles which prop-up occasionally; they also make use of thinly veiled ethnic and misogynist politics to mobilize a dangerous and dead-end populism for the sake of electoral success. The suppression of any people anywhere in the world is immoral and a crime against humanity

Mr. Gumede says that citizens of Africa raise the leaders of the liberation movements to 'godlike' untouchability and that the leaders take it as a license to plunder unchecked. While most will flat out deny genuflecting or making the gesture of the cross in prayer to Jacob Zuma and his government for the better life that was promised. It cannot be denied that lately, the African National Congress (ANC) has been 'godlike' - working in mysterious ways and leaving prayers seemingly unanswered; the latter resulting in violent and widespread service delivery protests a few months before the country hoisted the World Cup and after the world Cup to date, and it seems beyond 2011 provincial elections].

As a liberation movement[?!] that became government, many believed that the ANC would be different. In a country with one of the most 'liberal and forward thinking constitutions' in the world, it was believed that no amount of populist support would ever allow this liberation movement-cum government to shirk accountability and plunder unchecked. Anecdotal evidence, however, seems to suggest that this belief may be wrong - the ANC may be no different to other liberation-movement governments in Africa, the "Benzis" and other bloodsuckers of the Mobutu, Ghadaffi-types, and so forth, holding a deadly tight reign on their poor and hungry people.

T.O.M. writes to further amplify this problem: "Liberation movements have proved, especially in Africa, to be double-edged swords. Yielded typically by a relatively small group of liberators and backed by the masses, they scythe down opposing colonial governments and sweep to power amid much fanfare." As a liberation movement that became government, many believed that the ANC would be different. But this was not to be.

But, today, people are singing a different tune. It should not be imagined that ordinary South Africans lack the means to register their discontent. The recently suspended public service strike and the service delivery protests from earlier this year since after the World Cup in 2010 are evidence that when faced with issues that are in their interests, ordinary South Africans will register their discontent - dancing and singing loudly all the way to the buildings of parliament, at times setting tires on fire and creating a blockades whilst carrying on running battles with the police who shoot rubber bullets and live ammunition into the fracas, and the protesters throwing rocks and petrol bombs in return[See pictures of victims of such skirmishes in the photo gallery].

The ANC exploits the ignorance of its polity, albeit it be shortsighted, and they are carrying out criminal acts of looting and emptying public coffers and chests with impunity, and no one is accountable to anyone. It then seems like the "Big Minority will end up having a say in the affairs of state in South Africa as it pertains to poor people. They are the poor 'Big Minority' because when it comes to having a say in matters of the land and government, they are the least consulted and courted. They are often left to their own poor means and forgotten, entirely ignored for years till come time for national or Provincial elections. They simply have no say in anything.

ANC-led Government Modus Operandi

The way the ANC-led government operates is clearly written about by Jane Duncan as follows:

"South Africa is gearing up for its third local government election. In an attempt to break with the authoritarianism of Thabo Mbeki's rule, President Zuma has promised a new approach to these elections. and will appoint candidates that will genuinely respond to the people's will. To this end, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) has committed itself to greater community involvement. Many communities are tired of having candidates foisted on them through unpopular deployment processes.

They want a genuine say in the selection of people who they think will not out the corruption, nepotism and poor service delivery that has set into many municipalities. But will the promise of these elections be realized? And will the ANC respect the will of the people if it clashes with the will of the party? These are important lessons to be learnt from the most by-elections, as they suggest that the ANC may not, especially when communities break with the party's preferred candidates and choose independent candidates-go along with the choices and will of the voters. While the ANC remains overwhelmingly dominant, followed by DA, the number of independent candidates is gradually increasing.

The experiences of two independent candidates in recent by-elections speak volumes about the democratic content of Zuma's rule. They are Mothiba Ramphisa, councillor for Ward 7 in Greater Groblersdal in the Moutse area, Limpopo, and Zache Ngxingo, councillor for Ward 4 in Kenton on Seas in Dlambe Municipality, Eastern Cape. Since 2005, the Moutse community has waged a struggle to have their area reincorporated from Limpopo back to Mpumalanga.

In the 2006 local elections, eleven South African Communist Party (SACP) members decided to run as independent candidates in protest against their incorporation into Limpopo by the Mbeki administration. Rampisa, who is the Chairperson of the Moutse Dermacation Forum and the regional Chairperson of the SACP, was one of these candidates."

Jane Duncan continues: "But when an ANC ward councilor died, Ramphisa ran again in the by-election, in May 2010 and won,indicating that the ANC was rapidly losing electoral support in the area owing to their failure to resolve the Moutse situation. In response, the ANC expelled him as member, sending him a letter of expulsion in June without even calling him to a disciplinary hearing.

However, in spite of its earliest threats to expel independent candidates, the SACP has, in Ramphisa's words, "managed to close one eye and look with the other eye." This suggests that the SACP has recognized that mass support for the anti-incorporation struggles had contributed significantly to its growth in support in the affected areas, and that it would be shooting itself in the foot to act against them. Ramaphisa's experiences suggest that the ANC will deliberately frustrate independent councillor to discourage others from emerging "I am not given any opportunity to do anything.

I want them to listen to the voice of the people. What do they do? All the plans were developed by the late councillor, and I am not in a position to bring a new plan, as plans are in place. We can go three to four weeks with not a drop of water, and they may be doing this to suppress an independent candidate. Before that, with the ANC councillor, there was a lot of water; it flowed.

The conditions of the reads under the old councillor was good, he was given a grader, but with an independent candidate, roads are delapidated, and we don't even have access to a grader. Even housing, the previous candidate was given housing, but since then we haven't been given houses. They are holding me to ransom at every turn, with every project. 2011 is on the door, and they can show that independent candidates don't perform, they will say that they are not viable."

The promises that the ANC makes throughout the Hub always ome back to haunt them because they hardly keep any. Another one who was affected by such actions was Ngxingo. According to Ngxingo, who was a long-standing member of the ANC and the South African National Civic, and a keen observer of the Council Affairs, Ngxingo has been active in his ward for years. After an ANC councillor died, the community elected him as an 'independent' representing the people not the party' in October 2010.

According to Ngxingo, his election campaign began 'when the people felt that individuals in the ANC had become despotic; as a result, they had lost trust in the ANC region's ability to select appropriate candidates.' The branch and regional executive favored a teacher with links to Rural Development and Land Reform Minister Gugile Nkwinti, who comes from the area, while the majority of the community favored Ngxingo. In a subversion of the ANC's democratic selection process, Ngxingo was told by the party's regional executive committee that the deployment committee had decided in favor of the teacher, irrespective of the feelings of the public meeting which was meant to finally decide on the preferred candidate.

The community rebelled and elected Ngxingo. He inherited a ward where, in his words, "nothing was happening, nothing, nothing, nothing." As the provincial elections loom, the obstacles grow. According to Ngxingo, one of his supporters was stoned by ANC members after having attended a march. He also claims that the ANC are holding closed meetings about the selection of candidates, without community involvement."(Prof. Duncan) [The present government wants to keep all the wealth of the country close to its chest and is playing poker with people's lives- my addition].

Based on these experiences, Ngxingo argued that Zuma's promise of a more bottom up process in selecting councillors is "hypocritical politics". He observed: "Why do you have to make people vote if you are going to ignore what they are going to be say? How can you call people to a hall and be told we have selected someone? You have taken away their democratic right to choose."

Communities can think, and communities can innovate. This is cheap village politics. The ANC has attracted a pack of wolves and has become a vehicle for hypocrites. What you find at the municipalities, you find that they are looting them. It is not the ANC of Mandela, it is dominated by a bunch of crooks. The crooks have taken over the reigns. They have learned well from their Apartheid masters. '

The ANC leaders] are not grounded. Their politics float above the people. They forget that power is ephemeral, and because of this arrogance, people are beginning to look the other way. There are genuine leaders, wonderful leaders, and policies are in place, but we need to set the ANC free from the shackles of selfish people who are positions of power." (Duncan)

South African's elections are hailed around the world as free and fair, and therefore a true expression of the will of the people. Elections are a showcase for the ANC, which forms the identity and culture of millions of South Africans, and remains dominant at the polls because of its enormous popularity. While there are signs of a fragmentation of the ANC's support, this will not automatically translate into greater electoral diversity.

There are many ways in which the ANC tilts the political landscape in its favor, thereby making the emergence of electoral alternatives extremely difficult, especially amongst the working class and the unemployed. For instance, in Middleburg in Mpumalanga, the ANC component of the Council drove through an amendment to the speaking rules to apportion speaking time according to the size of the party, rather than continuing to allow councillors a maximum of five minutes per agenda item.

This rule was instituted after a number of independent councillors from the Greater Middleburg Resident's Association were elected to the council. These rules have made it practically impossible for the Association to function effectively. More fundamentally, rules of this nature prevent important issues that may not be articulated by the major parties from bubbling into the public domain. The modernization of electoral politics has also skewed the political landscape towards larger, more-well resourced parties, which are, unsurprisingly, clustered towards the center of the political spectrum.

So it is hardly surprising that South African politics has turned into a one-and-a-half horse race between the ANC and DA, in spite of the fact that nearly 150 parties are registered with the IEC. The experience of independent councillors so far strongly suggest that if independent organizations manage to clear the multi barriers to entry to the electoral domain, and the ANC encounters a real electoral threat from sources other than the liberal-right, then the velvet glove may well drop to reveal an iron fist. (Jane Duncan) The ANC has removed its velvet gloves from Quatro to being what it is now within South Africa today..

Poor Africans, You're On Your Own

ANC's Democratic Obfuscation

In 1961 Frantz Fanon, the great philosopher of African anti-Colonialism, described the 'shack' settlements that 'circle the town tirelessly, hoping that one day or another they will be let in' the gangrene eating into the heart of colonial domination'. He argued that 'this cohort of starving men, divorced from the '[tribe] and or clan, constitutes one of the most spontaneously and radically revolutionary forces of a colonized people'. Colonial power tended and often obliterated shanty towns, usually in the the name of public health and safety[also for big business and capital - italics mine], at times of heightened political tension.

A case in point is that of Mr Vilakazi who was being forced off-land by a DA-led local government outfit, and was being offered R20,000 and a measly RDP house for his land,which has been discovered to be lucrative for Big business investment. His local ward councillor investigated Vilakazi's complain, and he had in the meantime found that the piece of land on which Vilakazi was living was of much higher value as a business site and that there were big plans and big money around that particular piece of land by those who were bent on wresting the property from Vilakazi's home. (Sonti Maseko).

In fact, for the ANC in the province, the problems experienced by residents with their properties did not seem to be an issue worthy of attention and that needed to be addressed, until now. Whether the rumors of business partnerships beyond public political rivalry are true(between ANC and DA), one is aware of at least one occasion when the proverbial door was shut in the face of a woman evicted and desperate for help. Pauline Mofokeng, in the winter 2009, had been evicted from her home when she went to the highest offices of the ruling party in Johannesburg, she was given phone and a number to call.

Of which the conversation was over very quickly after the voice on the other end of the phone told Ms. Mofokeng to go back and make proper appointment in order in order to meet them. This woman had already been evicted from her home! The residents of Midvaal were left despondent, and it was made clear to them that their district was least concerned about the interests of the majority of its residents.[By the Way, the ANC lost Midvaal in the Provincial Elections to DA].

By the late 1980s the World Bank backed elite consensus that the shack settlements, now called "informal settlements" rather than "squatter Camps", were opportunities for popular entrepreneurship that than a than a threat to White settlers, state and capital. NGOs embedded in imperial power structures were deployed to teach the poor that they could only hope to help themselves via small businesses, while the rich got on with big business.

The past 18-20 or more years of ANC rule ca no longer be defended, even by elites who have benefited so handsomely from it. There is a real danger that democracy has left the majority behind and there are signs of disengagement and disenchantment. Increasingly we hear the more organized voices of the poor saying "No Land, No Vote, No Houses, No Vote"(see pictures in the photo gallery), and the levels of abstention from the polls tell a story of a democracy in crisis.

Until now, the ANC's version of democracy has worked for the elite. It makes sense that the benefactors of this dispensation should be be a little nervous that the great unwashed are knocking at the doors of privilege. The Democratic Alliance(DA), contrary to popular belief, cannot be seen as a real alternative for the marginalized because it in fact agrees with the ANC on the most fundamental point: that the interests of the elite must be protected through liberal democratic projects.

A paradox has occurred inSouth Africa's body politics - The DA is actually better attuned to delivering ANC's policies, which are essentially anti-Black[African]. The ANC must be credited with reducing the prerequisite of what citizenship means to a voter living in an RDP house on less than R14(about $2.00) day. Democracy for the Majority has meant marginalization and dehumanization of African peoples through government policy and practice. Now the DA is offering to deliver on the very same policies, only more efficiently. (Andile Mngxitama) With all this piecemeal and paltry give-ways, the ANC is leaving a big chunk of the poor Africans out of the loop.

On the issue of dehumanization, Paulo Freire writes:

"Dehumanization, which marks not only those whose humanity has been stolen, but also (though in a different way) those who have stolen it, is a distortion of the vocationThis distortion occurs with history; but it is not an historical vocation would lead either to cynicism or total despair. The struggle for humanization, for the emancipation of labor, for the overcoming of alienation, for the affirmation of men and women as persons would be meaningless.

This struggle is possible because dehumanization, although a concrete historical fact, is not given destiny but the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppressors, which in turn dehumanizes the oppressed. ...The "fear of freedom"(more specifically directed at the ANC-led government) which afflicts the oppressed, a far which may equally well lead them to a desire the role of oppressor or bind them to the role of oppressed, should be examined. One of the basic elements of the relationship between oppressor and oppressed is prescription.

Every prescription represents their imposition of one individual's choice upon another, transforming the consciousness of the person prescribed to into one that conforms with the subscriber's consciousness. Thus, the behavior of the oppressed is a prescribed behavior, following as it does the guidelines of the oppressor.

However, the oppressed, who have adapted to the structure of domination in which they are immersed, and have become resigned to it, are inhibited from waging th struggle for freedom so long as they feel incapable of running the risks it requirs. Moreover, their struggle fro freedom threatens not only the oppressor, but also their own oppressed comrades who are fearful of still greater repression."

In the contemporary situtaion in South Africa, this still remains true, becasue the ANC-led government, is in choots with international and local capital in pursuit to riches, and in the process keep up with implementing and applying the structres of oppression and dehumanization of their people; they do not imporove educaton, service delivery, employment and a host of other issues which are making life hard for the poor Africans and some poor Whites.

The deals made by the present government with companies(Capital) an the former Nationalist Party(Now DA) will still need to be unpacked and unfurled to the poor of South Africa, so that , in that situation, they will bet to know what really went down in the "Talks about the Talks", and all the way to Codessa, and the grafting of the "Sunset Clause" in these agreements.

ANC/DA, Different/Same Sides of the Coin

6 and 9 are the same: The forgotten Struggles of Simon Mpanza, of Orlando East

The neglect of the poor and the corruption of the ANC officials have been projected as the moral failings of the party's leadership, and not a direct outcome of their liberal democracy. This couldn't be further from the truth. In fact, DA-run councils such as Cape Town and Midvaal have been shown to be run on exactly the same logic as the ANC. The ANC has its struggle history to sell and the DA has been flaunting its statistics on "service delivery" and clean audits .

But the DA's statistics do not count the Black[African] spaces within their municipalities. This, however, is not their creation - the ANC's incapacity to see the Black[African] majority has set standard, hence Midvaal is such success if you discount the deplorable squatter camps surrounding it. Furthermore, the DA has shown itself to be a merciless debt collector and this may explain better why the lost "Nokeng Tsa Taemane" after such a sterling record of delivery, as their leader tells us.

The poor simply can't afford to pay. And when they fall into the rugged cracks of liberal democracy, as the people of Hangberg [see the picture gallery on the injured and victims of violence of the people of Hangberg] or Ermelo did, the ANC like the DA, open fire. This shows the siamese twin nature of the master and the slaves[ANC and DA], and both work for the interests of big business, African oppression, and making themselves rich by looting the country's wealth. (Andile Mngxitama) The ANC is the African face for all the interests of the past Apartheid funders and guarantors: Big business and Big Capital/International governments and Multicorporations.

The problems of liberal democracy are problems of capitalist accumulation. The problem of South Africa is the problem of the color of one's skin. As we have sen throughout this Hub, the ANC is in cahoots and in the same stride as its former Oppressors. The DA is still the Nationalist party in sheep's clothing. The ANC is a poor copy of the latter. In every instance, they work hand in hand, albeit differently towards the same end: how to create wealth on the backs of the poor and at the same time accumulate capital and oppress the African Majority, whilst they are at it.

This creates a structural incapacity to serve the serve the majority because capital is not attuned to serving - its raison d'etre is accumulation[and being served through use of cheap and slave labor]. When the ANC took over in 1994 and paid allegiance to the god of capitalism, it meant that the old White privileges would be maintained and a politically connected Black[African] layer would be allowed to accumulate cash and wealth.

Access to the state as either senior public servant, MP's or, better still, Cabinet Ministers, coupled with BEE and employment equity, contributed to the building of a tiny, privileged Black[Africa] stratum. This new political and economic elite helped build new exclusions and entrenched Apartheid when it came to access to the things the Constitution said were important for a life of dignity.

This layer has functioning schools, hospitals, housing and transport, among other social goods. Served by the system of exclusion[new form of Economic Apartheid], the politicians abandoned the mandate of serving and transforming the "Apartheid" reality of the majority[Africans]. The poor Africans' schools stopped teaching, hospitals became places of death[HIV/AIDS, etc., and the transport system seemed to have been designated to ferry goods and animals[with the fares being too exorbitant for the poor], although they are still working on the Rea Vaya buses, albeit too slow. Voting, therefore, is a way of legitimizing this arrangement.

Corruption has been projected as an aberration instead of a constituent element of democracy. Let us ask, honestly, how else would a Black[African] business class emerge if not by the tender, political connectivity and a little bit of unlawful accumulation? White Wealth was created in the same fashion through 350 years of theft and plunders. As long as democracy is subordinated to the dictates and rhythms of capital, Africans and poor Whites must not hope for much improvement in their lot of the poor [the poor are on their own, and need to reset themselves in their struggle against the ANC/Apartheid juggernaut].

Sadly, both the ANC and DA believe in the same god; they worked hand in hand with each other to loot, suppress, depress, oppress and repress the African majority, and this has been gong for the past 350-plus years of Apartheid and the past 17 years and counting, i.e., years of ANC-led government.

Soweto was first formed through a Shanty Town created along the Klip Rivier by the flow of Africans who were coming to the Cities like Johannesburg, from the farms, to work in the mines and women trying to find work as domestic servant, which still prevails to date. These Shanties, especially the one that helped create the Township of Soweto, Orlado East and West, and Rockville, was very radical and always had some confrontation with the apartheid authorities.

The question of the possibilities for shanty town radicalism they are posed to face the future should be best given a rest here. Around the world there are long histories of shack dweller militancy. In Durban, in June 1959 an organization in the Umkumbane settlement called Women of Cator Manor led a militant charge against patriarchal relations within the settlement, against the moderate reformism of the elite nationalists in the ANC Women's, and against the Apartheid regime and state.

This event still stands as a potent challenge to most contemporary feminists. and progressive social innovation has not always taken the form of direct confrontation with the Apartheid state. It is interesting, against the often highly racialized stereotypes of 'shack dwellers' as naturally and inevitably deeply reactionary. And Progressive social innovation has not always taken the form of direct confrontation with the state, although some recent social eruptions suggest otherwise.

But the cultural innovation from shanty towns has not been subaltern. It has often become part of suburban life. 'Bob Marley wouldn't have become Bob Marley without Trench Town and much American music (Dylan, Otis, etc.) stems from a shack dweller' (Woody Guthrie)

According to Richard Pithouse, "It Also needs to be recognized that shanty towns are very often consequent to land invasions and that services, especially water and electricity, are often illegally appropriated from the state. Fanon insists that "The shanty town is the consecration of the colonized's biological decision to invade the enemy citadel at all costs.

Most contemporary writes take a tragic and naturalizing form and to present squatters as being passively washed into shack settlements by the tides of history. So, for example, has naturalizing description of Soweto as having grown from[shacks] to Ghetto, then suburb[during ANC rule] into being a satellite city, historians deliberately left out the history of the 'shack dwellers' powerful movement of Sofasonke movement which, in 1944 led more than ten thousand people to occupy the land that would next the the Klip Rivier, then became Orlando, Rockville, and so forth: known today as Soweto(See my Hub on Soweto).

This movement and others like it survives through battles to defend and extends those gains and to appropriate state services. Sincere middle class solidarity(and a newly created one for that matter) will scrupulously subordinate itself to the democratic process and always work to put the benefits of its privileges upfront and(as if) in common with the militant democrats. But when one starts reading about Quatro((ANC's Prison in Exile, named after the South African Prison under Apartheid, "Number 4), wherein the ANC, still in Exile, and under Chris Hani, attacked their own ANC cadres who were on their way to attend a gathering where they were to discuss Democracy and to try and urge their leaders to listen to their demands.

Chris Hani and his ANC soldiers mowed these other ANC cadres and buried them in a mass grave. They even pursued some into the former Homeland called Transkei, during Apartheid rule, and attempted to kill them. Just as we have noted in this Hub above, that the ANC sabotages those Independent Candidates by not facilitating for them to deliver on "social services" and then turns around and points at their ineptness, which, they(The ANC) created in the first place.

The ANC-led government is on collision course with its own power base: In the City of Durban, the South African port city , there are 8000,000 shack dwellers, and most of these settlements are in a couple of square kilometers in valleys, on river banks and against the municipal dumps in the suburb of Clare Estate. In this small area there are eight settlements with often strikingly different material conditions, modes of governance, relations to the party and state, histories of struggle, ethnic make-ups, degrees of risk of forced removal and so on.

In the Lacey Road Settlement, ruled by an armed former ANC soldier last elected many years ago, organizing openly will quickly result in credible death threats. These settlement are the ground zero of the formation of resistance movements to the ANC[pictures on shacks in the picture gallery tell the whole story]. Plainly, Poor African and Whites who are poor still will have to come together and make gains for their lot - ANC's victory in Orania is may be but small part of this idea of the poor oof different races coalescing around a movement that will take care of the demands.


Corruption, Lies, Unaccountability and Chaos/Confusion

Welcome To wonderful Rainbow Nation of South Africa-Corrupition on Steroids
Welcome To wonderful Rainbow Nation of South Africa-Corrupition on Steroids | Source

The False Enemies - Incorrigible Leaders And Leadership

Meanwhile, on the ideological plane, the ANC, which is is in bed with the people who control the economic order they are lording over, made a great shift from the ideology of liberation to that of Western Capitalism. Now recently, Zuma made a deal with the French who will be investing 93 billion dollars for starters, into the South African economy. We also know that the ANC was in cahoots with the Russians during the cold war years, but after they 'negotiated' power here in Mzantsi, they were now firmly in the stable of the capitalists.

This meant that even heir thinking had to be Westernized, or Americanized, for we know, by now that theANc brought Greenberg Lake onboard, the US PR company that had engineered Bill Clinton's successful election campaign, as "Advisors" ('the Blair Clinton axis'). Then the US National Democratic Institute (NDI), the Democratic Party's think-tank tried to get in on the act, quickly followed by the Republican Institute.

No t knowing the depth and operational manifestations for policy which are in tandem with America and Western Europe is costing us too much and adding to our ignorance, whilst the big governments and companies are sucking our land, history, culture and everything dry. No wonder we look like 'mini' america being recreated right under our noses. Ameivcan companies that come to invest now of late, bring along with them arrogance and mien unsurpassed in the history of Africans in South Africa. Our Radio Stations are owned wholesale by An American entity called Clear Channel); the programming is enough to make one aware that the channelling of information and news and the like, has been made to suit an American audience, or transform the audience of Africans in South Africa to be Americanized in all aspects of their imbibing new technological gizmos and what they bring forth: Information, news, data etc..

What I am saying is that I am competent enough to demonstrate that the transformation of Africans in South Africa has been going on in full force since the Ance Captitulated to the Western camp of capitalism, and betrayed its own messages of the struggle and liberation, and today wants to act like they are revolutionaries, but we all know, that they are lackeys of Western Interest and investement-their role is that of serving their masters, and shutting up their poor voting polity.

From the onset, in the 'ru-up to the 1994 elections, a nation-wide debate debate (of sorts) took place, the outcome of which was a document titled Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP).. ... It doesn't advocate a socialist South Africa but it most definitely was the first practical step taken to redress the decades of Apartheid discrimination and repression". as already been cited abovee. The point is, there are many tell-tale signs in the cobbling of a new government in south Africa since 1994. We have already established the agrements and deals that the ANC has been involved in within the country.

The fact of the matter is that they are not accountable to their voters, but are beholden to and hand in glove-goose-stepping to the Imperial pipers, and stepping hard in formation to guarantee the lifestyle of their handlers, and they settle for the crumbs(shared according to the pecking order of the cabals, quislings, sell outs, vulture capitalists, which are but a few names describing the rulers that run South Africa today.

Mao used to encourage self criticism amongst his people and he put it in this manner:

"Conscientious practice of self-criticism is still another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all other political parties. As we say, dust will accumulate if a room is not cleaned regularly, our faces will get dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our comrades' minds and our Party's work may also collect dust, and also need sweeping and washing. The proverb "Running water is never stale and a door-hinge is never worm-eaten" means that constant motion prevents the inroads of germs and other organisms. To check up regularly on our work and in the process develop a democratic style of work, to fear neither criticism nor self-criticism, and to apply such good popular Chinese maxims as "Say all you know and say it without reserve", "Blame not the speaker but be warned by his words" and "Correct mistakes if you have committed them and guard against them if you have not" - this is the only effective way to prevent all kinds of political dust and germs from contaminating the minds of our comrades and the body of our Party.'

If we are going to be listening to our leaders make speeches that are retreads from their past elections farce, then there ought to be motion and movement, whether of physical confrontation or of words. It is the War of Ideas that that we find many of our leaders faltering, because, all they have to do is to guarantee the profitability of the invested interests in our country, they get their cut, and the rest of the people should 'pull themselves up with their own bootstraps.

They hasten, our leaders to claim easy and non-earned victories. The housing they claim they have built, the water the trumpet they are giving to the people, the roads they are building and opening/useless stadiums dotting the landscape.. right now in our township they have forced people to accept electric meters which will force them to buy electricity as 50 cents per kilo-watt hour. Whilst big companies pay something like 4 cents per kilo-wat hour. So, then, if people jump onto the stage and expose their weak sides, it is up to us to tell those who want to listen about all of this bogus distorted vitriol. It is vitriol to me, for it is intended to take care of the the Big Capital, and make sure the majority remain poor, hungry, ignorant and confused. We read from Mao about how to execute and implement progressive revolutionary change as opposed to liberal dogma, (that the ANC practices today) amongst the people:

"We stand for active ideological struggle because it is the weapon for ensuring unity within the Party and the revolutionary organizations in the interest of our fight. Every Communist and revolutionary should take up this weapon. But liberalism rejects ideological struggle and stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent, philistine attitude and bringing about political degeneration in certain units and individuals in the Party and the revolutionary organizations.

"In opposing subjectivism, sectarianism and stereotyped Party writing we must have in mind two purposes: first, "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones", and second, "cure the sickness to save the patient". The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone's sensibilities; it is necessary to analyse and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones". But our aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death. A person with appendicitis is saved when the surgeon removes his appendix. So long as a person who has made mistakes does not hide his sickness for fear of treatment or persist in his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so long as he honestly and sincerely wishes to be cured and to mend his ways, we should welcome him and cure his sickness so that he can become a good comrade. We can never succeed if we just let ourselves go and lash out at him. In treating an ideological or a political malady, one must never be rough and rash but must adopt the approach of "curing the sickness to save the patient", which is the only correct and effective method."

There may have been some failures that were spawned by the Chinese Revolution, but there are nuggets that they offered-in that it only need us in South Africa to read, know and adapt all this to our peculiar and unique semi- and culture/customs, decrepit social condition and existence. I know that the ANC has left all this behind, but for us, the students of social engineering and whatever we choose to call ourselves, it behooves us to pay attention to knowledge, and specifically be attentive and vigilant as to how we really providing easy access and applying it to the people, with the people, for and by the people. Cabral teaches us that:

"“Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children. . .”

We also get glimpses of his deep insights when Cabral states:

"“The colonists usually say that it was they who brought us into history: today we show that this is not so. They made us leave history, our history, to follow them, right at the back, to follow the progress of their history.”

And finally, this is my favorite and I cited or paraphrased it above in which Cabral counsels that:

“Hide nothing from the masses of our people. Tell no lies. Expose lies whenever they are told. Mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories...”

So that, in keeping up with the spirit of social change/revolution, I will always endeavor to tell it like it is. If the people of Mzantsi find problems with my work, I will welcome those parts that need clarification. But, as to whether one is vilifying the ANC - Far from it. I live and was born in the strongest ANC enclave here in Mzantsi. What I am doing is bringing less lies and highlighting the corruption, so that what we write about ourselves, must bring clarity and simplified writing that will help the people begin to understand the disparate and remote events that need to be understood by the Africans and all other poor peoples of Mzantsi-in order to be able to cobble-together a nation.

We now know that our leadership is dancing to the western tune, and has totally shut-off the music of their own people. It is also clear from the Hub above that the leadership is really about playing the western game in pitiful foreign diplomacy and trade, whilst all these are done in order to solidify their present leadership in power, and enabling them to exhaust themselves with all what we have as natural wealth, and render useless our labor power, this done in a myriad ways.

So, The Hub above is correctly termed when it states that this whole is a process by which the extinction/genocide) of a people is being perpetrated, and the ANC make everything possible, and keep on playing games with its disgruntled voters. Time will soon tell if what has been said and written about above will come to fruitition.

There are too many angry, drunk, drugged, sick of AIDS and other debilitating diseases, and the whole bit festering in the lives and existence, that, to keep quite is to die; but why not pass on by creating articles such as this one, whereby the whole hidden actions, in plain sight, are in reality, there for all to read and know about-more importantly, for when the time comes,the people can read about theselves and add on it to make it better.

They might control publishing of books, media, and so forth, but a paltry few of us will use the same mechanisms to relay some truth about Mzantsi, with the hope someone will read tis and get the general picture as to what happened to us, and what is still happening, and will keep on happening to the people of Mzantsi. They have a right to know about their stories and that they are written about.

We know that our leaders and our 'false' enemies.. and that they play an incorrigible role leave in oppulence-the rest of the poor, can see for themselves.... this can be seen and read from than article written by Sentletse below:

"It appears nothing has changed since 2006. The very problems highlighted at the time persist with much greater intensity in the run-up to the Mangaung Conference. The crisis of corruption, maladministration, fruitless and wasteful expenditure, has exploded in the last few years. Factionalism has intensified. Even Zuma’s once cheerleaders, like former ANCYL President Julius Malema, have become his most vocal critics. The issue of self-enrichment has exacerbated. The vast scope of the politics of patronage has become an incontestable reality since Polokwane. Political scavengers from all corners have descended upon state coffers. Some ministers benefited handsomely from multi-million contracts with government without any consequences, while others accepted luxury Mercedes Benzes from beneficiaries of multi-billion contracts with the blessing of the sitting president. Zuma himself has diverted state funds for personal indulgence in Nkandla.

The message from government paints a picture of improving general levels of service delivery and containment of corruption, but the dramatic spike in the number of violent service delivery protests since Zuma came to power tells a depressing story. Rampant corruption in government and random incidents of incompetence have come to exemplify the nature of the government presided over by our Jacob of Nkandla.

That the global financial crisis has had a negative impact on the economy is incontestable, but the lack of imagination from the ANC government to deal decisively with mounting challenges of unemployment, poverty, atrocious education and waste of state resources has aggravated the problem. While increased government spending is useful in stimulating the economy during these troubling upheavals, in the case of the Zuma government the ‘fruitless and wasteful expenditure’ has become deeply entrenched.

Public debt between 1994 and 2008 had declined from 44% to 20%; and it immediately skyrocketed to about 33% after Zuma became president. No consideration to slice excess fat has been made but instead the Presidency elected to spend R18 million on food and entertainment. European governments embarked on a programme to trim wasteful expenditure, through unpopular austerity measures, in order to help stimulate growth and reduce public debt. The Zuma government has done the opposite.

These blatant social and economic issues, as well as maladministration and corruption would under normal circumstances be key drivers in informing the decision to nominate capable and competent individuals for the leadership of the ANC in Mangaung. However, in South Africa we are dealing with politics of patronage which derail our progress as a nation.

The Deputy President, Kgalema Motlanthe, has been suggested by anti-Zuma supporters as the possible candidate to contest for leadership of the party. His nomination doesn’t come with motivation of what he would bring that is different from the incumbent. The campaign for his election appears to be primarily spurred by the need to wrest control of the patronage machinery rather than the pursuit of clean governance. Motlanthe, himself, appears reluctant to openly declare himself available to contest the leadership of the party. It’s also unknown whether Motlanthe would bring anything new to the ANC. What’s more disturbing is that no one seems to know what he stands for. There is a tendency to hide behind ANC processes and structures, and not openly declare one’s own ambition, political philosophy and vision for the country; and Motlanthe has been distressingly skilled in doing so.

The advocates of ‘continuity and unity’ are said to have proposed that Motlanthe retain his current position as deputy, with the aim of electing him as state president in 2014 while Zuma remains the president of the ANC. We may assume that Motlanthe possesses respectable virtues in comparison to his contender; but he may equally be condemned guilty by association. He is after-all part of the growing problem by virtue of his position in government. To agree to such backroom deal-making, Motlanthe would be reneging on the Polokwane consensus to oppose efforts to establish the so-called “two centres of power.” The Polokwane mob resolved that the ‘two centres of power’ would not assist in forging unity within the ANC.

The problem we are facing as a country is that we a confronted with two uninspiring alternatives for leadership. The choice between Zuma and Motlanthe would not necessarily advance the necessary change but would serve to entrench the same preoccupation with self-enrichment and non-delivery of services to the people. What the country needs is a new engine and a competent driver at the wheel. What we have in the ANC is the same problematic engine in which we keep pouring new oil. The outcome is predictable and potentially disastrous."

We have to somehow all come to an agreement that the ANC cannot rule, and it's being used over the decades by powerful financial interests is our doom/undoing; we to begin to work on the many efforts, on multiple fronts - prepare for the purge and replacing the present parliament/government with people elected by the people's majority and democracy. The Securitas has to be revamped so that it works towards and is dictated to by the people, and that they exist only to protect the security and interests of the people/nation, not their leaders and other bosses who are against the people.

These points are made above because that is precisely what the ANC and its security wing are not doing. I would like to delve even much more by citing another another to edify my construction about_ the ANC is not in government guarding and dispensing fairly the wealth of the land it natural resources.

Zuma Use Of Public Funds to Upgrade His Nkandla Homestead

Less than two months before national elections, South Africa’s public protector issued a report on Wednesday finding that President Jacob G. Zuma “benefited unduly,” in a manner “inconsistent with his office,” from state-funded improvements worth aro
Less than two months before national elections, South Africa’s public protector issued a report on Wednesday finding that President Jacob G. Zuma “benefited unduly,” in a manner “inconsistent with his office,” from state-funded improvements worth aro

ANC: We Didn't Struggle To Be Poor

The Phenomenon Of The Culture Of Corruption Came To Be Deep...

At the opening of the Rivonia Trial in 1964, Nelson Mandela said, “The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act.” To date however, not much has improved economically in the lives of those opressed by the apartheid.

The conditions that prevailed during that era of political repression necessitated the black people to unite in a struggle against the Nationalist regime and defend their rights and dignity as a people. The nature of the struggle for liberation mutated with changing circumstances in the country and worsening conditions under which black people were forced to live. The ANC built itself a particular character that reconciled with the nature of the struggle, appealed to the immediate needs of the people and rallied them in their multitudes behind a common cause. The Freedom Charter of 1955 defined the aim of the struggle as both political and economic liberation. However, the negotiated settlement in the 1990s only delivered political liberation to the majority of South Africans while economic liberation continued to be a wet dream.

The immediate challenge of the ANC post-apartheid was the arduous task of fulfilling the hopes and aspirations of the majority of poor South Africans who were savouring the newly harvested fruits of freedom. The fulfilment of the hope aroused during the liberation struggle turned into a realisable prospect given the electoral promises of 1994, which illuminated a brighter and more prosperous future on the horizon. The promulgation of legislation to ensure the distribution of economic wealth to the black people and their empowerment initially gave the impression of an effective solution to the lingering question of economic freedom.

Like everything else a good measure of policy rests in its execution. Economic empowerment has merely served to benefit politically-connected individuals in spite of the lasting promises to broaden the scope and benefit the majority. The level of corruption has not assisted in ensuring a fundamental shift in socio-economic conditions of the majority of the people; but instead it has redirected limited state resources towards benefitting a group of few individuals with close proximity to power. The noble ideal of building “a better life for all” has been overtaken by the political imperatives that demand the sustenance of a patronage network and reward of historical loyalties.

In 2006, an ANC spokesperson Smuts Ngonyama aptly said, “We didn’t struggle to be poor.” His infamous statement can be correctly juxtaposed with the cause for economic liberation of the majority; and equally placed alongside the phenomenon of the culture of corruption that came to be deeply entrenched. The dramatic rise in the number of service delivery protests since 2009, which are often characterised by incidents of violence, highlights the inverse consequence of corruption on effective governance and service delivery.

A discussion document titled: “Organisational Renewal: Building the ANC as a movement for transformation and a strategic centre of power,” was tabled at the 52nd ANC National Conference in Polokwane. Contained in the discussion document was a bold declaration that, “the ANC’s primary mission is to serve the people!” The resolve to fulfil this mission is secondary to the priority of accumulating wealth by those in power, only for themselves and those close to them.

Chief among the achievements that Zuma highlighted in his state of the nation address was the number of people relying on distribution of social grants for their livelihood. He said, “Since we are building a developmental and not a welfare state, the social grants will be linked to economic activity and community development, to enable short-term beneficiaries to become self-supporting in the long run.”

Any government operating with finite resources would aim to establish favourable conditions to promote self-reliance of its populace. Often governments encourage dependence of the poor in order to easily manipulate them during elections period. A government that does not exist for the general welfare of society ordinarily plants seeds of unrest and would consequently be overthrown whether democratically or through a violent revolution. In promoting the general welfare of society it should not therefore mean the creation of a welfare state where the majority of people are dependent on the state for their basic needs.

In South Africa, the number of people who depend on social grants has increased from about 12 million in 2008 to 15 million in 2012. This dramatic rise in social grants, interestingly, coincides with the disturbing deterioration in the quality of education, the slowdown in the economy and rising unemployment. The idea that social grants contribute towards building a development state and promote self-reliance is bordering on the absurd. After 18 years of democracy the country should be enjoying a significant shift in the quality of education, supported by increasing opportunities to be active participants in the mainstream economy; and overall improvement in the quality of life and human development. The persisting scourge of high levels of poverty is a direct indictment on the ANC and its inability to purge corrupt leaders who betray the commitment to fulfil their stated mission to serve the people.

Zuma, after his victory in Polokwane told the delegates:“Let me emphasise that the leadership collective will serve the entire membership of the ANC.” This was confirmed at an ANC gala evening held on the 11thJanuary 2013, where he stated that “…If you go beyond that and become a member (of the ANC)… if you are a businessman, your business will multiply,” He went so far as to say, “I have always said that a wise businessman will support the ANC because supporting the ANC means you’re investing very well in your business.” The leadership collective of the ANC does not exist in isolation to the leadership collective in the ANC-led government. These pronouncements in themself are problematic in that they create an expectation of prioritisation of those with political loyalties to the ANC in the battle for scarce resources. This becomes the very basis for the establishment of a patronage network that reinforces corrupt behaviour, incompetence and consequently non-delivery of services to the people who are outside the structures of the ANC.

Corruption flourishes out of the need to maintain these networks of political patronage and retain power. Leaders are not driven by the need to do what is right but by the need to preserve power and control resources for personal gain. The ANC continues to exploit the liberation struggle sentimentalism that lives among the majority of poor people. Social grants have become an effective measure by government to pacify the emotions of the frustrated populace while no concerted effort is made to eradicate those conditions necessitating their distribution.

It is the curse of liberation movements who subsequent to their ascendency to power become overwhelmed with the immediate need to reward political loyalties and to establish networks of mutual dependency and reciprocity. Zuma created about seven new ministries in 2009 after becoming state president, which he defended as establishing a government that is more responsive to the needs of the people. But the expansion of government has never corresponded with improvement in the levels of service delivery. In fact, the number of service delivery protests increased during the period when government was meant to be agile. It was preposterous to imagine an obese government responding with improved agility to the needs of the people. The bloated administration was purely aligned with the necessity to expand the patronage network.

The phenomenon of mutually beneficial symbioses has now become deeply entrenched in all spheres of government as former liberators became accustomed to the splendour and lavishness associated with higher office. A better life for all remains a mirage in a distant horizon. Clamours for the reform of the electoral system to empower the people to directly elect their representatives have fallen on deaf ears. The ANC now serves its own narrow interests not the people it committed itself to serving."

Aluta Kontinua

This morning members of the Abahlali baseMjondolo movement planned to start protesting in Durban’s Cato Crest at 4:00, almost exactly a week since 17-year-old Nqobile Nzuza was killed in the area by police. Abahlali spoke to witnesses and is accusing
This morning members of the Abahlali baseMjondolo movement planned to start protesting in Durban’s Cato Crest at 4:00, almost exactly a week since 17-year-old Nqobile Nzuza was killed in the area by police. Abahlali spoke to witnesses and is accusing | Source

The Rise Of The Peoples Struggles and Planning Against The War As They See It Affecring Them

Whilst the ANC motive is money, they are willing to use raw force, which i the end crates a cycle of violence which was by not thought to gone. We are quickly reminded of this reality by an article written by Greg Nicolson which states:

South Africa: Political Murder, Inc

Local-level movements across the country have experienced a spate of killings lately. Shop stewards, different political party factions and rival parties have been targeted. With criminal charges a rare occurrence, it shows we haven't come so far from the days of old.

The National Union of Mineworkers has been hit hard. Only the other day, a branch leader was killed at his house at Western Platinum not long after his secretary was murdered. Another branch leader escaped an attack, but his wife died. A cousin of a shop steward was gunned down in an apparent case of mistaken identity.

All these murders occurred after five NUM members were murdered at Marikana before police shot and killed 34 workers on 16 August. The lives lost add to the tally of murders seen at mining strikes earlier in the year.

This weekend an Inkatha Freedom Party councillor's body was found in KwaMashu, KwaZulu-Natal, a battleground for disputes between the IFP and the National Freedom Party. On 26 September, a hail of bullets hit three ANC members outside Durban after a meeting. One of the victims later died from his wounds in hospital. These killings add to other politically-related murders from 2012. ANC members Wandile Mkhize, Dumisani Malunga, Bheki Chiliza and Nhlakanipho Shabane were all killed this year in KwaZulu-Natal.

It seems that when things get tough in South Africa, people get killed.

While the worker and political party deaths have different causes and are executed in varying manners, the list of murders all seem to emanate from rivalries among citizens' associations, mostly local, and power plays within them.

In the ANC, the deaths are said to be caused by the party's structure and the pot of gold that can accompany an elected position. At the funeral of Councillor Wandile Mkhize, President Zuma shot a warning through the party. "The big question we must ask ourselves is who benefits from these killings. I appeal to all ANC members to be vigilant as it seems there are dark, unforeseen forces hell-bent on causing disunity and destabilising the organisation."

One version suggests Mkhize was murdered to derail Zuma's campaign for re-election. If so, the ANC's election process itself had something to do with it. Because members cannot debate leadership until only a few months before voting, battles are fought and rivalries stoked in the dark.

The 2009 murder of councillor and shop steward Moss Phakoe in North West highlighted another common cause of death. Phakoe was assassinated by former Rustenburg Mayor Matthew Wolmarans and his bodyguard, both convicted in July, after he informed then-Minister Sicelo Shiceka of corruption within the Bojanala Platinum District Municipality and North West provincial government. He was a whistleblower, plain and simple, and was murdered for exposing corruption and trying to put an end to someone's misdeeds.

The conviction of Phakoe's killers was a rare win for justice. Writing in the Sunday Times, researcher David Bruce said there have been 42 deaths and 36 suspected incidents of political murders in KwaZulu-Natal alone since December 2008 (his numbers are higher than those he also cites from Cosatu). He said the tally includes 19 ANC members, six IFP members, two indunas (factory overseers), one member of the Department of Transport and 11 NFP members since its 2011 formation.

The majority of political murders, he said, are politically protected killings (PPKs). He defines them as lawful (by the police) and unlawful "assassination of people understood to pose a threat to established political interests".

Bruce found only one recorded conviction from among 14 killings in Mpumalanga since 1998. In KZN, there have been only four convictions.

"One of the consequences of PPKs is that people start to believe there is a general licence for political killings – but in fact this may only be available to people in certain political positions".

In KZN on Monday police arrested a man for the killing of the ANC's Dumisani Malunga and last month another man was imprisoned for his role in the murder. But arrests are few and the deaths many.

The same can be said in the mines, where violence and intimidation have reigned this year as the National Union of Mineworkers struggles against a drop in perceived legitimacy. The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union has muscled its way into the fold in a bitter turf war between the unions. While they battle for ground as workers strike, rival members and those who still want to work have been shot and hacked to death. Some arrests have been made but most killings have so far gone uncharged.

Two of the year's defining issues – ANC political contestation and mining strikes – have reminded us that when Apartheid ended not everyone was willing to solve disputes democratically. While no doubt the country's majority is committed to resolving power struggles through discussion, peaceful demonstration and the ballot box, for some, there is just too much to win, too much to lose, and far too few consequences for taking a shortcut.

The statement made by Zuma above, is not a new thing in the ANC. One need to look back into the ANC history in exile to better appreciate the fact that their modus operandi dovetails with their shenanigans of inner-parting purging and assassination of members when he said: "The big question we must ask ourselves is who benefits from these killings. I appeal to all ANC members to be vigilant as it seems there are dark, unforeseen forces hell-bent on causing disunity and destabilising the organisation."

There are people who know that Zuma is referring to the, like the Abahlali baseMjondolo, and they have begun to reorganize themselves and have focused a lot on building a leadership that is different from the one we see in the ANC.

Remembering The Miners Of Marikana

“The mining industry and strike wave: What are the causes and what are the solutions?”, blaming the Marikana violence on the migrant labour system. Living and working conditions in the mines have hardly changed in 20 years, he told the audience, as y
“The mining industry and strike wave: What are the causes and what are the solutions?”, blaming the Marikana violence on the migrant labour system. Living and working conditions in the mines have hardly changed in 20 years, he told the audience, as y | Source

Murder And Assassinations Continue: Resistance And Struggle Renewed

Hope for a new kind of leadership can be found in an unlikely place: the Kennedy Road shack settlement , in Clare Estate, Durban. In the middle of a Saturday night in June, a group of thirty odd women and men, some as young as 17, has gathered in a small room that serves as a community-driven crèche during the week. They are here to induct newly elected leaders of their organization of shack-dwellers who collectively call themselves Abahlali baseMjondolo. The Abahlali, since emerging in 2005, has grown to become the largest social movement in the country, with members in more than 40 settlements and over 30,000 active supporters in the province of KwaZulu-Natal.
The Abahlali take leadership very seriously. For years since the transition, they have patiently waited for their leaders—in the government and in the ANC—to fulfil their promises for land, housing and development. What they received instead were violent evictions, demolitions, and forced relocations to the peripheries of cities away from access to jobs, schools, and health care. Their former comrades in the struggle against apartheid now began treating them with open contempt, condemning their lifestyle, and criminalizing their activities. The poor found that they were not welcome in the new South Africa that they had fought for.

In response, the Abahlali have said, "Enough is enough [1]." In the three years since its launch, the movement has carried out a series of large-scale protests and marches, but has also resorted to other, less public means of resistance within settlements: by using legal tactics to fight illegal evictions and forced removals, by knowledgeably and safely connecting shacks to electricity and water, and by skilfully manoeuvring the media, to ultimately advance a 'quiet encroachment of the ordinary' [2] in response to a lack of state leadership.

The Abahlali workshop aims to facilitate a conversation on the qualities of good leaders and to teach leadership skills. Those who congregate come from settlements such as Foreman Road, Motala Heights, Jadhu Place and Joe Slovo, and they plan to stay (and stay awake) through the night. Standing in front of the packed room, in this particular workshop, President S'bu Zikode poses the question: "What makes a good leader?"

The gathered group forms the leadership of the newly elected Youth League, whose president Mazwi Nzimande has just turned 17. All are volunteers—for Zikode, full-time—sometimes sacrificing other opportunities, including jobs, and all are here tonight by choice. Some have travelled great distances to attend, coming in from the movement's new branches in the settlements of Tongaat (EmaGwaveni) and Ash Road in Pietermaritzburg. Many of those present are also fathers and mothers, including Zikode. Philani Zungu and Ayanda Vumisa, husband and wife and active members of the movement (Philani is former Vice-President and Ayanda is the current Vice-Secretary of the Youth League), both arrive late from Pemary Ridge in Reservoir Hills, having waited until their children were asleep.

The wide demographic represented at this meeting also affirms the egalitarian nature upheld by the movement more generally. The Abahlali are proving that leaders are not of a certain age, gender, race or class. For them, leaders—holding foreign degrees, matriculating at elite universities and being well versed in the technocratic jargon that prevails in development discourses of the state—have all failed them. More important is for a leader to have intimate knowledge of their experience and of their plight: "They must feel what we feel," participants at the meeting declare, "and only those who feel must lead."

To this end, the Abahlali encourage affiliated settlements to democratically elect leaders from their own communities, and to ensure that all their decisions are taken in discussion with the people who chose them. Sihle Sibisi, from Joe Slovo, explains, "A leader is someone who listens to everyone, who respects everyone they lead." They "do not take a position on behalf of or for the people but with the people." Members express frustrations with the populist rhetoric of local politicians, who visit their settlements intent on gaining their votes for the next elections. Leadership cannot be reduced to this, they argue. It cannot be confined to a single term or a single meeting. Rather, it is an organic and "ongoing process" with no start or end.

"A leader is not born but made by those they claim to represent," says Vice-President Lindela Figlan, a fact that they must not forget. Derrick Fenner from Motala agrees, stating, "No one can lead us without us." They assert that a leader must replace the current lack of communication and interaction with "answers for those they lead…[someone] who shares and discusses the issues with all the people."

Each leader here was elected through a democratic process held at their respective communities, or, as in the case of the Youth League (launched 16th of June 2008), in a forum of made up of the movement's members from across the settlements. They are the faces of their communities; as Zikode tells them, as leaders they are "the hope of the hopeless, the homeless, the jobless, the poor and the marginalized."

It is for these reasons that the Abahlali practice strict political autonomy from the state, political parties, churches and NGOs. They do work with organizations that can bring technical skills, such as lawyers, and are engaged in a constant battle to subordinate the state's development project to the community committees in each area. But even here they demand that development or activist professionals " speak to us, not for us us" and insist on recognition, dignity and full partnership from anyone wishing to work with them towards developing their communities.

Moreover, the movement has consistently espoused a philosophy of 'living politics' that grounds the collective thought and action that drives the struggles specific to each settlement in the hands of the people in that settlement. A living politics requires that a community seeking to join the movement make the decision autonomously and collectively. Recently, settlements in the Northern and Western Cape were formally inaugurated into the movement after residents read about the movement in the press, made contact and then discussed the issues internally within their communities, coming to identify with the Abahlali.

By remaining context-specific, the Abahlali recognize that the movement and its struggle 'must develop its own significance within each settlement' [4] whether it is responding to police brutality, government contempt, landowner intimidation, or shack-fires. Through Abahlalism—their self-deemed political culture—they are cultivating their own type of leaders, all of who come from the shacks and all of whom are accountable on a day to day basis to the people who elected them

When Zikode asks the new branches' representatives to illustrate the difficulties of leadership in their respective communities, leaders describe repressive circumstances. Gugu Luthuli and Niza Chithwoya recount regular instances of police brutality and corruption in Tongaat. For Ash Road in Pietermaritzburg, Sibahle Dlamini explains that Abahlali organizing has gone underground because of municipality efforts to suppress the movement. Yet the result of this repression is that they have found support amongst themselves.

As they listen and respond to each other's stories, a common refrain within the group is "Qina Bahlali Qina!" reminding one another to stay strong. Mutual recognition and support drive their struggle, and through them the movement helps to cultivate a shared sense of responsibility within their communities. It was the Abahlali who responded swiftly to the xenophobic riots in May, issuing a strong rebuke of the attacks in a widely circulated press statement that declared, "A person cannot be illegal. A person is a person wherever they may find themselves," and confronted the government for its role [4]. They actively worked against the attacks and there were no incidents at all in any of the Abahlali settlements. Bahlali were also able to take in some people displaced in the attacks.

Back at Kennedy Road, the meeting continues through the night and into the early morning. Members question movement structures, and debates emerge about the roles of the chairperson and other positions. They argue for greater transparency and challenge the current leadership of the Executive Committee, and the younger members composing the Youth League, to be up to the task. Throughout the discussion, every person's opinion is respected and taken seriously.

It is because of rescinded promises and betrayals of their elected leaders that every year, when the country commemorates the first free and democratic elections in South Africa, the Abahlali mourn their continuing lack of freedom [5]. What the Abahlali have found instead is that leadership comes from within—within these communities and within individual members of the movement. In the absence of role models in the Party and State, they have looked to each other for help in overcoming the daily struggles of living in the shacks. Each umhlali is a leader in his or her own right. With daybreak the next morning, the group of men and women young and old, shake hands and hug and finally disperse.

Maybe now is the time for national leaders to learn a thing or two from the people they purport to lead.

Disdain of the poor by the government(ANC) is the present South African Reality

 “I kept the movement alive, You have been in the township. You have seen how bleak it still is. Well, it was here where we flung the first stone. It was here where we shed so much blood. Nothing could have been achieved without the sacrifice of the
“I kept the movement alive, You have been in the township. You have seen how bleak it still is. Well, it was here where we flung the first stone. It was here where we shed so much blood. Nothing could have been achieved without the sacrifice of the

The Poor Are An Albatros On The Necks Of the ANC Rulers

S'bu Zikode provide the following insight:

The Poor Are Punished For Demanding Our constitutional Rights


The word 'democracy' has often been misunderstood. It has been misused to legitimise certain projects in a way that is incorrect and misleading. For many shack dwellers and other poor people in South Africa, democracy has meant free corruption for members of the ruling party, a life mired in the mud and fire of shacks, illegal evictions and forced removals to transit camps.

For the eThekwini Municipality, democracy means that they are a law unto themselves and can act in total disregard of the rule of law. The poor are automatically viewed as criminals even when we act within the law. For those of us who have organised to defend the dignity of the poor, democracy has come to mean death threats, torture, arrest, violence and assassination.

This has been evident in Cato Crest in Durban between September 2013 and January 2014. Violence from the ruling party is worse in Durban than in other cities, but state violence is everywhere in South Africa. The Marikana Land Occupation in East Phillipi in Cape Town has been met with state violence just like the Marikana Land Occupation in Cato Crest. Everywhere in South Africa the state is unaccountable to poor people and tries to control us with violence.

The ruling party has worked hard to make sure that housing is only allocated to its members and their friends and families and to exclude those who are critical of them as a punishment. Evictions are political; only those who are not loyal members of the ruling party are having their homes illegally destroyed without court orders. In Lamontville, residents of Madlala Village who went to the Constitutional court on 12 February 2014 were told by local party structures and their councillor that their shacks would be demolished if they brought any party other than the ANC to the settlement.

A day after the Constitutional Court heard their appeal, the eThekwini Land Invasion Unit were instructed to demolish all the shacks in Madlala Village. This was a form of punishment for taking government to Constitutional court. In 2009, we were attacked and driven from our homes by armed members of the ruling party. The police refused to come to our aid. This was also a punishment for taking the government to the Constitutional Court.

It is not just housing that is corrupted. The ruling party has worked hard to make sure that only its loyal members benefit through the tender system and employment through Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP). In Durban this is evident in the Kennedy Road, the Forman Road and Cato Crest settlements.

Local councillors have become gangsters and hit men during the night. They only act as leaders during the day and to impress the public. We have seen this in KwaNdengezi near Marianhill and in Cato Crest.

The politicians and the rich are trying to divide the poor. In Durban, Xhosa speaking residents have been told to ‘go back to Lusikisiki’ by senior politicians in the ruling party. Those who are from neighbouring countries are told to return back to their respective countries because they are taking jobs from South Africans. Sometimes it is said that they are taking girlfriends from South Africans. And xenophobia in this democracy does not only come from senior politicians. We all remember the attacks on people born in other countries in 2008. Now some rich businessmen in Durban are trying to tell poor Africans that our real oppressors are Indians.

Democracy from above is working very well for the members of the ruling party and their friends and families. For the rest of society it is a new form of oppression. In fact it has become a crisis. People are protesting everywhere.

There is a danger that this crisis will cause some people to give up on democracy. There are now lots of forces including NGOs, political parties and businessmen looking for tenders that want to capture the anger of the poor for their own purposes. It is clear that most of these forces want to use the poor as ladders and cannot be trusted. It is clear that the solution to this crisis is not to have different people use the poor as ladders. It is time to take the ladders away.

Abahlali believes that every person’s humanity must be recognised and that every person’s life and intelligence must count the same. We therefore believe in a democracy from below. We believe in democracy that comes with responsibility and dignity. We believe in democracy from below as a form of struggle and as a goal of struggle.

We believe in a democracy that allows general members to set an agenda without being forced to engage in an agenda already formulated to further someone’s interest. We believe in leaders who are there to facilitate democratic decision-making. We want a responsive government that will cater for the needs of the people equally, starting with the worst off. We understand that this will only happen when the poor have organised to build their own power and to reduce the power of the politicians and other forces like business and NGOs.

We organise from below to fulfil and strengthen our voice. We organise in the dark and confined corners of our society so that we can move, together, out of the spaces where oppression wants to keep us. We protest peacefully in order to show our strength and to give voice to the oppressed.

We occupy land and struggle to defend land occupations because we need to start reducing the power of the rich and politicians to make all decisions about how land is allocated. People are alive now and their urgent needs have to be met now.

It will not be easy for democracy from below to replace democracy from above. It is clear that we will need to continue to risk our lives and to speak out in the mist of all the death threats and violence. We will need to not fear intimidation, violence and death. None of us can do this on our own. Our strength comes from our togetherness.

The Old Age Clashes: the Police Firring and Beating Up OnThe Poor

Protesters advance on the police in De Dooms, Western Cape, South Africa
Protesters advance on the police in De Dooms, Western Cape, South Africa
Very efficient in posing like they are in training camp, very dysfunctional and corrupt when doing community policing. That is our present-day SAP's..
Very efficient in posing like they are in training camp, very dysfunctional and corrupt when doing community policing. That is our present-day SAP's..

Public Positions: Police Against The People

The ANC rule is not designed nor have anything to do with the poor.They are in it for money and self-enrichment. I have cited n article on top to make my point. It is a reality that here in Mzantsi all types of cronyism, nepotism and other such nefarious acts are what have become the new normal. People are getting killed in many ways, and in the other ways that are subtle, this victims are often forgotten: crime, poverty, hunger, diseases, alcoholism, drug abuse, , diabetes, depression, ceasing livers, TB, HIV AIDS, and so on. Then, there is the Police Killings which receive scant attention A Short paper was produced/written by Keith Breckenridge titled:

We need a complicit police! Political policing then and now

The demise of public order policing

On 13th of April 2011 Andries Tatane, a teacher and local activist, was killed by officers of the South African Police Service (SAPS) during a protest in Ficksburg, a small town in the Free State, South Africa. Although the killing had been captured live on video, all seven police officers involved in the incident were acquitted of the killing as the state failed to prove beyond reasonable doubt who exactly had fired the deadly rubber bullets, and that there was ‘common purpose’ by the police officers involved in killing Tatane. For many this tragic and brutal killing is seen as a watershed moment, marking the definite return of police violence (repressive violence) well known from apartheid times (Bruce 2012a, 2012b, 2013; Jacobs and Wasserman 2011, Chance 2013). It brought broad public awareness – not least because the event had been captured on video - to a chain of similar incidences of police brutality during protests both prior to and after that of Tatane including, of course, the Marikana shootings. These amount to a frightening picture of police failure to deal with public protests in a democratically acceptable manner.

One irony of the moment, however, is that in the last 15 years the SAPS has been substantially disinvesting itself from public order policing in order to deal with the pressure to reduce crime. In an effort to increase its legitimacy with the people of South Africa and its administrative accountability it has been putting the bulk of its - both budgetary and personnel - into ‘ordinary’ crime fighting. In 2000 the Mbeki government released the National Crime Combating Strategy (NCCS), a belated reaction of a government that was accused of not taking crime seriously. Soon after, in 2002, began the dismantling of the Public Order Unit, which by 2007 was reduced by more than 64% in terms of personnel. Officers made redundant were relocated to bolster everyday police station work. And those remaining in the renamed Crime Combating Units, while nominally still responsible for public order, were also in practice re-deployed more or less full time to major crime fighting operations (Omar 2007).

This left the public order police understaffed and undertrained, and unable to deal with the public dissatisfaction with a failing government. Yet, in the light of history this trend could be considered an unprecedented and even a progressive move. Policing in South Africa has generally been characterised as being overused for crowd control purposes and underused for crime fighting purposes. And even where the police concentrated on crime fighting, these were often crimes that served as yet another way to keep black South Africans in a subjected state (e.g. Pass Laws). This bias was accentuated by the fact that police was thinly spread, forcing difficult choices as to where to deploy its resources (Killingray 1986).

Political policing then

From inception, one of the primary roles of the police, mounted and in paramilitary fashion, was not to keep peace among people but to police territory and suppress internal resistance to colonial rule (Brewer 1994). These colonial regiments - mounted riflemen - at least in the British territories of Natal and the Cape, followed the model of The Royal Irish Constabulary that had a long history and proven record of suppressing civil unrest and political agitation (Killingray 1986).

Prior to Union in 1910, there was also not just one police force. Mounted regiments were complemented - and that in at least quadruplicate, for each of the colonies - with a potpourri of other police forces, such as special police for key infrastructures, e.g. the railway police, private police for the mines, native administration police and town police. But even where there was town police, like the one set up in Johannesburg at the turn of the previous century, which supposedly subscribed to a more civilian outlook, this was put very much in service of supporting the mining industries in forcefully managing its workforce. Three laws deserve particular mention here: The Liquor Law, the Gold Law and the Pass Law. Together, their enforcement led to the mass incarceration of an otherwise innocent black population (Breckenridge 2014).

With the forging of the Union, the plan was to have one single and highly centralized police force, or at least that was the fantasy of newly appointed police Commissioner Truter (Dippenaar 1988). Truter succeeded in centralizing the force with control located firmly in Pretoria. (This is a peculiar but consequential development, which still pertains; it means that police stations and all other units are primarily accountable to police headquarters rather than municipalities (Breckenridge 2014). It is very different for example from what happened in other colonies such as India, where local elites collaborated with the police to define what constituted criminal activity (Singha unpublished). Although decentralisation could potentially exacerbate local despotism, it also meant that police was much more accountable to the locality in which they were operating).

However, regarding the second aspect of having only one single police force the government (particularly the Ministry of Justice) insisted on keeping a dual system: the South African Police (SAP) for the burgeoning cities, and the South African Mounted Riflemen (SAMR) for the countryside and the control of ‘tribal rivalry’ and resistance to white rule. To leave no doubt about the role and method of the SAMR, it was promulgated under the Defence Act of 1912 instead of the Police Act of 1913. The SAMR was absorbed into the SAP finally after the Second World War. By then, however, unrest had become a phenomenon of urban areas much more than of rural areas anyway, and the SAP had already taken over many internal security tasks, such as the quelling of protest and strikes. In fact, from its inception in 1913 the SAP was fully absorbed by such tasks (Brewer 1994).

Take a year such as 1914, in which the SAP first helped to suppress a railway strike, which turned into a general strike by white workers, and was swiftly crushed by the police and military acting with powers under martial law. Then, in the same year, the police were involved in suppressing the de la Rey rebellion, and finally the police helped with the conquest and occupation of German South West Africa. Each of these interventions involved the killing of people and often left those being crushed ever more united and politicised than before the intervention.

On the side of the police it drove a process of militarisation, with a bias towards drill and weapon training and the introduction of military ranks in 1919. By 1922 it had even become thinkable to use the police in combination with airforce bombing to end a strike by white workers (Killingray 1984). Still the number of people killed in those interventions paled when compared with how the police dealt with black resistance. In 1920 the SAP, lead by the Commissioner himself, killed 200 black people in an uprising in Bulhoek (Brewer 1994: 100).

Meanwhile, where the police was trying to deal with so-called ordinary crime, which threatened white people’s lives and property in the growing and industrialising cities, and which was rife especially on the Witwatersrand, it was deeply caught up in inefficiency. This was shaped especially by corrupt entanglements with the various gangs and gangsters who –attracted by the unruly, male dominated capitalist precious metal business of early Johannesburg– populated the Reef (van Onselen 2009). Also, the main efforts of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) still went towards the disciplining of a black mining workforce and the enforcement of the gold, liquor and pass laws. In fact, the ongoing raids of mining compounds and black living quarters in the city in the name of liquor law formed an everyday version of crowd control.

Yet, implausible as it might seem, police management tried to maintain a language of modernization and an aspiration towards professionalism and independence by trying to get better educated recruits, by insisting on a civil police spirit, through technological advances in the field of forensics, and by holding up a principle of the use of minimum force. Yet these efforts only appeared in pure form in the wishful language of commemorative albums (Dieppenaar 1988) and the recommendations of various Commissions of Inquiry (e.g. the Commission of Inquiry into the Witwatersrand Riots (1913), The Water Commission (1926)).

And while they might explain why a purely instrumental understanding of the police, as the agent of dominant interests, does fall short, it is often the police itself which failed to concede to itself its highly compromised character and its fundamental role in political policing. This is evident in budgetary priorities. Brewer shows that “The proportion of the police budget spent on detectives services, a measure of expenditure on civil police work, had fallen by a third in the 1926/7 financial year compared to the 1914/15 financial year, while overall the police budget had doubled” (1994: 67).

And even where white citizens, who might have had some influence on what kind of police they wanted, expressed their unease about armed police officers patrolling their area, such liberal concerns were quickly overruled – with the very consensus of these citizens – when confronted with a growing black urban under- and working class (Brewer 1994: 91).

This structural constellation of bias toward crowd control in its exceptional form – mainly directed at white industrial strike action and Afrikaner rebellion ­­– as well as in its mundane form – mainly directed at a black working force – was from its inception at the root of the SAP. It reproduced itself over the years in different variations of course, with different strength and proportions. To mention one more important in this long history: In 1976 the Soweto protest erupted. Like today, riot policing as it was called then had been in a kind of slumber. Political resistance had been quelled in the early sixties and the previous years had been relatively quiet in terms public protest. When the protest happened police intervened brutally. This happened partly out of its ongoing political policing mission. But it also happened out of sheer incompetence and unpreparedness (Jeffery 1991). The reaction of the police in the following months and years was to deal with this unpreparedness by increasing its riot police manpower, to strengthen its chains of command and protective measures for police officers (Brewer 1994). This culminated in the highly militarised police of the 1980s, with very little capacity and will for ordinary crime control.

The desire for a strong state

We have to remember, of course, that the political bias is exactly the bias that left black areas to their own devices in terms of creating provisional means of safe living.1 This gap was filled at different times with different formations of informal justice. It was a form of self-rule which sometimes was politically (locally) legitimate, sometimes highly divisive in inter-generational and class conflict; it often got out of hand and turned from sanctioned force to menace; sometimes it was initiated and even paid (or better, underpaid) by the state, sometimes it was reigned in by the state.

Mostly, though, it was just ignored as a necessary if not useful evil in a divide and rule policy (Baker 2008, Buur 2006, Buur and Jensen 2004, Glaser 2008, 2000, Kynoch 2005, Jensen 2005, Kirsch and Grätz 2010, Abrahams 1998). It normalized an experience of a lack of security as public good and of highly authoritarian and rather immediate forms of punishment (Gillespie 2014). Together with post-apartheid’s democratic promises of inclusion and a new infrastructure, such as community policing, which has brought the police closer to the people (Hornberger 2011, 2013), this has produced a highly ambiguous yearning for the force of the state — a yearning which often takes the form of a mainly private relationship with the state (White 2013). The expectation is that policing intervenes forcefully (not particularly hemmed in by human rights) in one’s own favour and protection (Hornberger 2011).

This comes through for example in the policing of domestic violence where the call for the police is often an expression of the desire for a protective but authoritative figure, who can at least match the husband’s violence and reign him in on behalf of the woman. But it also comes through in the policing of public protest. In fact, I would like to propose here, to put matters starkly, that public order policing is not very different from and just as protracted as the policing of domestic violence. The violence itself is the result of a failure of communication and symptomatic of conditions of (gender) inequalities and economic disempowerment. Most importantly it is the epiphenomenon of a structural situation which the police alone cannot change. Like in many domestic violence cases then, most women do not want to get rid of their husbands as such, [2] but simply want them to behave differently. We could say the same about municipalities.

It is mostly not the legitimacy of the government as such which is at stake but rather how things work or not which leads to protest. Still it is often the police which is called upon. In the case of domestic violence, the intervention of the police is often desired with the hope that it will change the behaviour of the husband at least in the here and now, as the fight is happening (Altbeker 2005, Hornberger 2009, Steinberg 2008). When it comes to public protest, the call is sometimes directly on the police to deal with a particular case that is creating great insecurity within a community. The call may in fact be on other parts of the local state to deliver, but the police remain the most tangible visible manifestation of the state, and becomes the addressee to receive the message (of anger) [3]. The issue of policing thus serves as a rallying point to hold government accountable and make the suffering heard. This is an important point, and marks a huge difference compared with the late apartheid era: there is a demand for actual policing.

Yet the manner in which this demand is responded to is what leads to a constant disappointment and instead produces a major antagonism towards the police. As with domestic violence, when the police intervene in public protest, they often appear to be intervening on behalf of someone else (Holdt et al. 2011). I reserve my judgment at this point if this someone else is a real or imagined someone else. There is definitely a spectrum of possibilities between a police that is being ordered politically to crush a protest with well known apartheid policing methods, and a police which acts ‘merely’ with a bias towards its own occupational rationale of self-defense and preservation of authority, but with such incompetence that it translates into a policing-against-the-people.

Either way, it is then that the intervention of the police mostly disappoints and in fact aggravates the situation. It is not only that the police cannot solve the situation, but that the very act of policing produces retaliation. Protesters might feel violated, shut up, and the sense of violence suffered is recast as a form of political sacrifice (Chance 2013), meaning that people go into subsequent protests with the expectation that further sacrifice might be necessary. If nothing else gets solved, it is most certainly the case that the police intervention will only produce more need for intervention.

Making things worse

This ability of the police to aggravate the situation is often highly underestimated and misunderstood by those who order the police to intervene, even more so by the police themselves (de la Porta 1998). There might be some theoretical awareness that the police can choose between a calming or escalatory approach, between a minimum of force and a maximum of force approach (Mthethwa 2014a). And to be fair, the police have been retrained in public order policing and this has actually be seen as one of the successes of transformation (Marks 2005), at least before the public order police was dismantled. But the police are still being used as if they are outside of the conflict itself, and as if they can be used as a surgical instrument which can stitch the situation, by removing the trouble or quelling the spilling of blood. They are not seen sufficiently as an integral element of the conflict, though.

A recent ethnographic description of protest against the hosting of the World Cup in Brazil remarks how quickly protesters’ sentiments regarding the police can turn. When the protest started, people mixed their anti-FIFA messages with the message of “sem violencia “ (without violence) hoping for a pact of solidarity with the police. But the police did not respond to the call and instead used a pre-emptive display of might and violence, occasionally throwing stun grenades and preventing the demonstrators from moving to the centre of town to deliver their message. While the demonstration did not turn violent, the author powerfully describes a sense of disenchantment about what is politically possible: “While the chant “without violence” didn’t lose its poetry, it didn’t move me the way it did before the interruption. The pact seemed to have been broken” (Durão 2013).

So-called crowd psychology has provided substantial insights into these sometimes very subtle but potentially highly consequential dynamics, described here from an ethnographic perspective. It shows how police intervention is absolutely crucial to what happens at a gathering; how police in fact have the possibility to either give people the sense that movement is possible or rather that a horizon is closed; and how police are mainly responsible themselves in creating an escalating hostility. An important point is that crowds are hardly homogenous. There is always a broad spectrum of people available in a crowd, from people who are quite willing to self-police themselves to people who are more prepared to use violence (Reichert 2007, von Holdt 2011).

It is through police action, which confuses the acts of a few with the acts of a whole crowd, and which creates the crowd as a homogeneous (and violent) entity, which leads to a crowd’s uniting and halting communication. This has been definitely the case in Marikana, where the criminal acts of some tainted the whole group of demonstrators as criminal.

To avoid an escalation of violence - in the moment as much as over a long period of time – the police would need to always assume that the crowd is there to deliver a message and that the primary role of the police would be to facilitate the deliverance of the message. The police cannot change inequality and unemployment, but it can choose the side of the protestors and help to deliver the message.

Here is a good example of how this should go, taken from Waddington (2007) who was observing the negotiations between representatives of a far left anarchist group and Metropolitan Police officers during the early 1990s in Britain. The declared aspiration of the protesters was to ‘tear down the fabric of capitalism’, to which the Superintendent conducting the meeting replied, ‘And how can we help you?’

Quo Vadis political policing?

However little of such radical mind shift in the approach to police intervention seems to be on the horizon. Instead, like after 1976 today’s primary reaction to the failure of the police to deal with public protest has been the promise to bring back and even build more public order capacity than ever before. Admittedly under a paradigm of the rule of law[4], but soon there are supposed to be 9000 police officers ready to deal with community protests all over the country (Mthethwa 2014b). It should be clear that as nothing much might change in terms of people’s demands, the role of the police is pretty much set to become an ongoing occupying army. Unless, maybe, they rather stick to their course of getting ordinary crime fighting right, and to at least make sure that protest does not increase because of their interventions. And so they better learn how to make protest work. What we need is a complicit police, complicit not in the inertia, but complicit in making things move.


1. The same kind of analysis is not appreciable for apartheid rule of coloured areas, where police played a much more crime control oriented role, but in the process subjected coloured families, especially coloured men to a carceral/reformatory regime (Jensen 2009).

2. As this is a paper about public order policing, I won’t go into too much detail with regard to the complexities of domestic violence and that it of course happens not only in the relationship of married heterosexual couples.

3. This idea of development by proxy, we can also see with regard to the recently held Khayelitsha Commission. The situation in Khayelitsha is hardly just about policing but about a lack of development and a lack of work.

4. Note that according to a strict application of the rule of law most protest would be illegal as they rarely can get the approval of the municipality or councilor.


I Won’t Vote For The ANC – Tutu

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu will not vote for the ANC, he wrote in an opinion piece. “I have voted for the ANC, but I would very sadly not be able to vote for them after the way things have gone,” he wrote in a piece for Prospect magazine, which
Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu will not vote for the ANC, he wrote in an opinion piece. “I have voted for the ANC, but I would very sadly not be able to vote for them after the way things have gone,” he wrote in a piece for Prospect magazine, which | Source

The Interests Of The Investors Surpass Those of The Poor

It should be remembered that the ANC was not really interested in Liberation of African people per se. One reads such quotes like this one from Sandile Sejake(member of the Luthuli Detachment of Umkhonto We Sizwe(Spear of The Nation) who informs us:

"There was an apparent tendency that some individual leaders placed more emphasise on commercial interests than the struggle for social, economic and political emancipation. These interests manifested themselves in the fact that these leaders set up factories and operated commercial farms mainly in Zambia. Bitter arguments also related to the fact that cadres sent to South Africa were given a mere five pounds to see them through operations, food, transportation and accommodation, to give but a few requirements of any political-military operation."

This was during the attempts to infiltrate the guerillas into South Africa in the the time periods of 1967-'69).

But the story of Wankie will be for a different Hub, but the thing to point out is that what the present government is doing now in south Africa, they have been doing it since they were in Exile, and now they have a much more bigger institutions to openly practice corruption. Their accumulation of wealth for themselves is what they know how to do,long before they were put in power in South Africa by their foreign handlers. They have arrogantly trumpeted the fact that they in this to be rich, and the police is still trying to find itself and its role in the working in the community(of which they are not doing that well), and a security organ which is there to protect the officials against any criticism or push back from the poor; it is not there to protect the interest and the ssfety and security of the masses. This is what we are now dealing with with the present ANC-led government.

Will The South African Security Establishment Strike before or After the Elections? Will they, Really?

Satisfying South Africa's present regime and elite command structures have backfired. Thousands of security forces, both police and military, feel anguish over the deaths of their own brothers, the striking miners. Along with questioning such brutal
Satisfying South Africa's present regime and elite command structures have backfired. Thousands of security forces, both police and military, feel anguish over the deaths of their own brothers, the striking miners. Along with questioning such brutal | Source

Apolitical Shenanigans of the ANC Government

The ANC is really serious about protecting its "God given right to govern South Africa until Jesus Christ returns. Heading towards the elections in south Africa, this is what is being reported about this time period, by Xolani Mbanjwa, Rapule Tabane and Carien du Plessis:

Elections Face Strike Threat

South Africa’s fifth democratic election, scheduled to be held next month, risks being disrupted after employees of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) threatened to strike unless chairperson Pansy Tlakula is removed before May 7.

The threat to strike is a new layer of pressure on Tlakula, who was implicated in a PwC forensic audit as well as a Public Protector’s report into the leasing of the commission’s R320 million Centurion headquarters.

In a meeting with the IEC this week, opposition party leaders Julius Malema and Mamphela Ramphele apparently told Tlakula to her face she must resign.

After the meeting, Malema threatened “civil war” should Tlakula stay in her position.

The ANC has come to Tlakula’s defence, saying the IEC must not be demonised a month before elections and her issues don’t impact the credibility of the elections.

Organisers of the unprecedented strike said it was supported by more than 90% of IEC employees, who have mandated the national negotiating forum – a workers’ structure led by the National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union – to enter into talks with IEC commissioners.

The national negotiating forum represents more than 600 of the IEC’s 900 permanent employees, who include managers and deputy managers across the entire commission in corporate services, finance and electoral matters.

The National Negotiating Forum met commissioners on ­Friday to discuss long-standing matters. These include the right for employees to form a bargaining structure which will negotiate directly with the IEC on salaries and other ­administrative matters.

IEC employees were barred from embarking on any strike action after Parliament had labelled their work an essential service.

But the forum said it had a clear mandate from employees, most of whom have been with the IEC for years, to go on strike and place their jobs on the line unless their demands are met.

Intimidation As South Africa Is Headed For the May 2014 National Polls/Voting

Meanwhile, the ANC has been identified as the main culprit in elections-linked intimidation and its fierce KwaZulu-Natal rival the IFP is also implicated, according to new research that will be released this week.

Twenty-four representatives from nine political parties, including the ANC, were interviewed by researchers from the Community Agency for Social Enquiry.

The DA, IFP, National Freedom Party, Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), Agang SA and the Workers & Socialist Party all told researchers they had been intimidated by the ANC.

The Congress of the People said it faced intimidation in 2009 when it first broke away from the ANC and contested elections, but hardly experienced any now.

Intimidation is unlikely to disrupt the May 7 elections, researchers say, but it affects the degree to which voters feel free to openly show support for the party of their choice. Poorer communities are more likely to experience intimidation.

The report, compiled by David Bruce and titled “Just singing and dancing? Intimidation and the manipulation of voters and the electoral process in the build-up to the 2014 elections”, is set to be released on Wednesday.

Recent incidents of intimidation include:

» A marquee in Thokoza where the EFF was set to hold a rally yesterday was petrol-bombed. While the EFF blamed it on the ANC, the ANC denied it was responsible and called for the prosecution of those who threw the petrol bombs.

» In Pampierstad in the Northern Cape, the EFF said that an ANC truck blocked the entrance to a stadium where it had a rally yesterday, even after police asked it to leave.

» Two ANC members were shot dead last Sunday at the notorious KwaMashu Hostel, north of Durban.

» ANC spokesperson Jackson Mthembu claimed that a DA SMS saying President Jacob Zuma stole tax money to upgrade his Nkandla home could cause violence.

» ANC supporters brandished stones and sticks as DA supporters tried to march in central Johannesburg in February.

»The stoning on Human Rights Day of DA Gauteng premier candidate Mmusi Maimane’s convoy in Sharpeville.

A DA interviewee was quoted in the report as saying that intimidation had increased since 2011 as the official opposition had become more diverse and “started posing increasingly that threat to the ANC’s stability as the only party in a given community”.

Researchers note in the report that Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa have condemned instances of intimidation – but their supporters don’t always seem to listen.

Case said in its report that the ANC should take “purposeful action” to address the problem and “acknowledge the shortcomings of many of its followers, and the obstacles these present to the potential consolidation of democracy in South Africa”. Toyi-toying and singing and dancing is among the most visible and public forms of intimidation, the report says.

Such forms of intimidation “tend to involve confrontations, where a group of people who are singing, chanting, dancing and/or toyi-toyiing are actually engaging in actions intended to disrupt opposition political parties”.

These actions are often “overtly intimidatory” in nature and involve “mock charges, verbal threats or threatening gestures, invading the area in which the opposition group is meeting, or attempts to drive them out in an area”.

Researchers say this is a violation of the Constitution and the Electoral Act, but perpetrators justify it by saying they have the right to assemble and demonstrate.

Intimidation against the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal has decreased since Zuma became president, researchers found.

An ANC respondent told researchers: “Before 2009 you won’t wear an ANC T-shirt at KwaNongoma because you will either be killed or shot at. Now you can, things have changed dramatically.”

In a few pockets, like Ulundi and KwaMashu, violence persists. Respondents also said intimidation was worse in rural areas, but the NFP reported intimidation in informal settlements and hostels.

The report says fatal violence, other than in KwaZulu-Natal, wasn’t a feature of the political environment any more.

“Intimidation generally does not take this extreme form. Political coercion has instead been adapted to the terrain of democratic South Africa and frequently manifests in the guise of practices that, superficially at least, may appear to be lawful and legitimate.”

Intimidation is usually only stepped up when less severe forms have failed. Even though violence often declines closer to an election because parties’ behaviour is being carefully scrutinised, intimidation has a long-term impact, researchers found.

“Intimidation will continue to have a significant impact on the degree to which people in SA, most notably in poorer communities, feel free to openly support, or even engage with, political parties that are not dominant in the areas in which they live,” the report says.

People often internalise the message that there may be adverse consequences for them if they don’t toe the line. The IEC could yesterday not say how many complaints of intimidation it had received so far.

Some Of The Lacking Basic Necessities

South Africa: A World Out Balance

There are many that are affected and effected once a people in t heir own society are out of balance. Many things have been said and done, and still being promulgated, today by the very same social set that is exacerbating the very decrepit existence that African people are going through. Some form of social trauma. Everything that is right is wrong and all that is wrong is right. Nothing is taking shape towards a much more cohesive and cogent society that we are capable of. Short cuts are the modus operandi. Accountability has been chugged out of the window. Free and callousness is over and above all else that we can say is for the social good.

Our world in on a social kilt, and we are destabilized and dysfunctional if ever a people can be. Like a deer in the lights, we have been thrust into the International limelights and ethos, that in fact, we are thinking that we have arrived. This can be applied to many ways of thinking, doing and so froth amongst African people. Out of balance we are that we think we are balanced. If I also hope to write about something, I will deal more efficiently with what is personal to me…

Thus far in my Hubs this has manifested itself in various and multiple ways, that here, too on this Hub, I still want to point out to what we are not doing, so to speak, in my own say and way. I think recognizing and appreciating what Apartheid has done to us, our struggle should not have stopped and faltered at the point. What I am saying is that, the illusion that we free and self governing and autonomous, is just that: An Illusion And Delusions Of Grandeur.

I am writing this today on May 1, 2015, and am pointing out to the fact that breaking down and analyzing our State Of The Nation should not have taken a back seat, nor dumped for crumbs on the dwindling and piddling Mzantsi resources, that, to that end, it has become, in our present reality, a seriously dog-eats-dog world from many fronts. There is a lot we are not doing and trying to achieve as a people, we Africans of Mzantsi. By not doing that, we are in fact displacing ourselves out of the Land of our fathers.

We are responsible for what is happening to us, now, and this is said tongue in check, for we all know that not 'all' of the people are into the loop.Within our enclaves, we are not creating sports and recreation for one. I speak so, because we so: when I was growing up as a youth under apartheid, the Township where bubbling with Spots and activities. We were engaged, but for now, we are totally disengaged. We do not create Cultural Functions from one's home to the whole society. We are instead in pursuit of self-enrichment, and the rest can go Hades.

We are not reinforcing structures that we should have by now created: Well functioning and delivering municipalities. More of Teachers colleges based in the Townships, and training teachers and other Technical skills and humanities. What we have not done, thus far, is create Primaries and High schools that are staffed with well-prepared teachers, and outside school there's a lag and drag in have organizations and social structures function and propelling each other forth in their diverseness, that in the end, we are caught in a Rat Race and Going Nowhere Fast: A Society Out Order And Balance.

Many of us are hard pressed to be Copy-Cats for it's the best and shortest way to achieving and being something. Not that we were not aware that we had to learn and read profusely to be better than what the apartheidizers had intended for us, We were goddam serious about that! Some of us, anyway.. I guess. But prior to this present-day social miasma, we got things done. We kept our wit and intellect sharp and well-oiled. Meaning, We read and understood the world about us, and we were retaining, some of us, I have said, our cultural, traditional, sacred rites and practices, above,and am still adhering to them as much assiduously above. This does not mean we chose to be ignorant, and understand the world about us, as contemporarily as much as we could-given the Apartheid circumstances we lived under.

But now, we have crossed that bridge of being isolated and thrust into the mosaic and morass of the Earthly life-that this too, has gotten us unprepared for it, and have not, to this day-make sure we do, because of many things, and uppermost, was Greed and Corruption This two-pronged assault and attack on all are weakened fronts has us reeling back so fast that we are 'disappearing' out of this Worldly/Earthly sight.

This is a fact, for today, with all the accusation of Xenophobia, but if all things are to be put in context, it is going to us South Africans. And the corrections and discipline we are, some of us, extolling to our brethren and sisters, is simply that we need to do good for our own people of African descent in Mzantsi. We should Call The Shots. This is my simplest of saying it. What I means is: We are going to have to take charge, control and the directed future of our Land and it's Natural Resources-As simple as That. Really?... Well...

There is and will always be an authentic voice of the African masses, but see myself as I age more a cultural warrior. I have averred this throughout and many-a-times on some of my Hubs, and I thought it bears repeating. Nonetheless, this is not all about me and my postures, but everything about the kilted leanings of African people which need to uprighted.

By that I mean, say what it is we want to say, because we want to say it, and this is our land and resources, and we are going to say it forthrightly and no holds barred. Losing our land and it's everything to all and sundry is worse than being under Apartheid. Therefore, we as Africans of Mzantsi, have to say what we mean and how things will eventually pan-out.This might not materialize, but that will not stop me from saying it vehemently, pardon my brusqueness there. All Are Welcome under the African Tree and Shade.

The people one is going to find under this shade, are the broken spirited, impoverished, dumbed-down and ignored(disappearing) indigene.When we tell the world about us, define ourselves and assert our existence as the people of south Africa, we should let-go of the cadaver of Apartheid, and mold the new possibilities we have in our hands. This is not mere call to any who are maybe having related thoughts. For me, the ultimate aim is to develop a well-developed and advanced-advancing being that is not held-back nor hindered by any odd-fall.

Yesteryears were those where we dared our detractors by making sure, surreptitiously, that we better ourselves. Nowadays we are having a coterie of ignoramuses running amok pretending to convince us, they thing and hope, that we are, like we follow them in a her-mentality, for which I push-back and say. No.. We have a dog and a skin in this fracas unfolding throughout the land of Mthaniya..(South Africa)

We should not be afraid, but fear failure. Not even attempting to do good for one's people is sacrilegious. For whatever it's worth, our birth to at certain ages was not an aberration. But we also need to seek the moorings and anchorings that our history, culture, tradition, what it does and will mean for us, also, what it has waiting for us to begin to merge all these 9(Nine) Peoples, diverse and very much variegated assemblages of people, who are in fact, are one person: The Nguni/Bakone Of South Ad infinitum. There's much to be done, than the barren existence many of us are conditioned by fiddling with crumbs, falling from the table of the powerful Investors and foreign governments and their people, but us. That's a fact.

The world of our African society in Mzantsi is out of kilt. It is truly out of balance and cascading. Where there is no development, there is no life. What we are not doing is what we are today: Nothing. I implore my bothers and sisters to begin seeing themselves as 'somebody' — a la Jesse Jackson. We are somebody-human, and this we should inculcate this as we begin the work of rescucitating and remaking the modern African man.

You can begin to put together a nation when you have not yet figured yourself first; live by that example to those who hear and see you. It is this virtue that we can embrace to begin to build those next to us, around us and with us throughout the country. We start with One's Self, First. Being an anchored and coherent self is better than being a 'disappeared and maligned' self. Reinforcing positively one's being and affirming it to ones self, in that deep belief, is better than the false selves we are carrying round our necks like an albatross that we in ourselves, in our societies, and within and our societies, are in fact out of balance in the world.

First comes oneself, then a group if possible, a Nation… Which is the ultimate aim in nation formation. It is absurd to think that what one copies and ends up forgetting oneself, what is that self that we see? The gargoyle peering back at us is not making us anything. So that, it is best, then, to begin to work on ourselves as individuals, still maintaining the best of both worlds, and with more intensity emphasized on our original self-definition. It is the correct way to start building oneself. It is also a good start, for One and Self.

Our story and history is an is going to be what we say it is. We should not fear talking about or framing our reality into our history without ever consulting and connvallesing with those who are not of our culture. This is true and right. We are going to have to define and clarify our culture to those we tell or might want to know. If then, we are going to talk about Apartheid, and what it did to us, and how, finally, we released its grip and iron-boot heel on our necks, this is a story we are going to tel, in our own experiential and real way. Writing our stories, histories, is going to be done authentically by us, and no one else.

There is much about Africans of South Africa, proliferating from the those indigenous to South Africa, and now we are going to have to control and propagate those stories and then some, and doing so by being our own authorities. This will be only possible if we believe we have the temerity and wherewithal to reach even greater heights as a nation. All what it will take is serious disciplined reading and writing. And with that in mind and hope, maybe something will come from or of it.

Some of the most pressing needs is Basic Necessities and poor service delivery of these. That is where the rubber meets the road in social engineering. Lack of these or inadequate and inefficient supply and service these is one place one can begin to look at what it is that is dislodging us. This creates an overwhelming feeling of dread, "Fear, inferiority complex, trepidation, servility, despair," as seen and said by Aime Cesaire, that it is to say, today, the 'yin and yen' of our actual existence. Not being able to control and distribute or disseminate anything about ourselves, makes people who are not Africans authorities about us. This I am pointing out because it is true, and few people take that line or tack in addressing this imbalance. Lack of delivery and destabilizing effect this has on people is still not yet addressed fully and justly. This is just a smattering of Things we have not done, and the work that lies ahead in a nutshell

Comments 4 comments

Broannera 3 years ago

Superb blog you have here but I was curious if you knew of any community forums that cover the same topics talked about in this article? I'd really like to be a part of group where I can get comments from other experienced individuals that share the same interest. If you have any recommendations, please let me know. Thanks! click here


ixwa profile image

ixwa 3 years ago Author

Thank you Broannera for visiting and reading the Hub above, I am Appreciate of it very much. You can go and to the FaceBook Wall called: "25 May 2013. March Against Monsanto Everywhere", and I think there more information there that is old and updated that you will find very interesting and it is run by Chloe Menteath


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Johan Smulders 20 months ago from East London, South Africa

Too much information for one article. This should be published in a book. Great research and stats. The answer to the problem is however difficult to see!


ixwa profile image

ixwa 20 months ago Author

Johan Smulders: Thanks for the read.. Anyway, who really has the temerity to judge other people's writing as "Too Much Information"? Really? I work as a copy-editor and I am not really interested in old fashioned-style of book publication-it's a dying craft and effort-The Web is the main thing going on today.. What I do not see that which you see as a "Problem which is however difficult to see", is not within my purview, and all writings on HubPages has one problem or another. Another thing, this is an ongoing project, and it will take many forms before it is a finnished/final product. I like writing my articles "Long". and I do not really force anyone to read them. You read them becasue you want to. Otherwise, I will keep on doing what I am doing... Hola!...

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    Flickr 4 years ago

    Help fight the cause, here's a petition against GMO's and monsanto. Thanks for your help.

    http://www.thepetitionsite.com/211/335/629/help-st...


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 4 years ago Author

    Flickr: Thanks for visiting the Hub above and thanks for invite which I too up, Tweeted, put on Facebook Wall, and posted it on G+. In fact. I have lined up a critical that is going to deal more specifically about Monsanto in South Africa with some additional information I managed to unearth. I will make sure I help to expose Monsanto and try and bring it to the majority of the people there because I think they have a need to know. Thank very much for acknowledging the paltry assistance I have tried to put forth in the Hub above...


    jeanihess profile image

    jeanihess 3 years ago from Cape Town South Africa

    Hi- hope you do not mind if I copy and paste some of your hubs? Links are not enough hey Some people do not click on links. I will include your link.

    I will post here: Equalspaces - a FB community page called DebatingFront and: on blogs dot 24 dot com/jeanihess/


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 3 years ago Author

    Jeanihess: Thanks for the offer, and since you asked, you can go ahead, but keep it as original along with the authors name and all.. thanks again


    jeanihess profile image

    jeanihess 3 years ago from Cape Town South Africa

    Hi- did the copy and paste and link thing. It is only HubPages that has a problem with that kind of thing so I did not have to rewrite any of it on my other sites.

    Your blog was reposted exactly as you posted it with your name and all and it has had positive response.


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 3 years ago Author

    jeanihess: Thank you for the response, and am glad you have done as you say.. I appreciate it very much. I do not have problems of people taking the article as is and passing on to others to. Thank you very much jeanihess and am indebted to you. You can take some of any of the Hub I have written, if it is worth it, and post it... Thanks, again.


    jeanihess profile image

    jeanihess 3 years ago from Cape Town South Africa

    I have very strong political and socio-economic views being a community development activist.

    I have my own opinions to write up and post.

    I do like to share the views of other people whether these views are complementary or contradictory:)

    When I can copy paste and publish as is, then it is so much easier and authentic.

    It makes my site varied and it promotes the other blogger.

    Readers are informed and are exposed to the views of other writers.

    They know that they can trust me because copied articles are credited to their authors.

    They also trust me because I do not only expose them to my personal views but to bloggers like you and to good media articles.

    But do you know that my top post is about drugs; about CAT? People are desperate out there!


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 3 years ago Author

    Jeanihess: Thank you very much for responding to our colloquy throughout this response column. I respect your integrity and am in no doubt about what you have stated above. I have no problem with people sharing what I have written, because one of the things about the works I published is that they are 'very long' and knowing the culture of the Internet, it is refreshing to find people who have time to go through the tomes. Having said that, I have written a lot about the drugs here in Orlando and the effects and affects it is having on the people in our townships. There have have been fits of starts and stops in trying to get rid of this scourge. But police corruption, at the moment, enables this activity to go on with deadly impunity.

    I have no doubt that your readership holds you in high esteem, and if they could find time, they should visit my Hubs wherein I deal with a myriad topics, in-depth, and most of the articles are still being developed, and they need time for one to go through them. Any one of your readers if free to come and read these Hub/Blogs and hopefully be edified by what they find when reading.

    I am even glad to know you are working against drugs, and I will try and talk to a few people to connect with you for they need some serious help down here, too. Hola!

    My only hope is that many people find the types of Hubs I have written and hope that it makes up for something in their lives. thanks again...


    jeanihess profile image

    jeanihess 3 years ago from Cape Town South Africa

    :) Yeah- we will have to connect differently hey! I will look at your other hubs and you could message me links to your drug articles. In turn I will post the links on my sites.

    On our new platform the viewers do not leave many comments.., had to start the counters new too because we lost all that when News 24 changed the blogging platform.

    Still. I have 88312 views on the community counter and 98,885 on my flag counter 13053 being American for the past year since I put the counters back.

    I have perhaps a 100 views a day and sometimes several hundred.

    I notice that readers are now exploring my archives but even so on jeanihess 10 of the last 39 visits were on the drug post.

    jeanius on the same platform is a new blog site but is gaining popularity.

    I will post your hub to my WordPress site soon.


    jeanihess profile image

    jeanihess 3 years ago from Cape Town South Africa

    jschessdotwordpressdotcom/2013/10/13/from-apartheid-to-barbarism-backwards-ever-forward-never-black-predatory-rulers-and-the-extinction-of-africans/


    jeanihess profile image

    jeanihess 3 years ago from Cape Town South Africa

    You may be interested in this speech and might have an opinion on it?

    ANC Western Cape safety and security group

    Sanette Smit

    Anc Western Cape

    3 hours ago

    FRANSMAN SAYS: Enough is enough! We are fedup (gatvol)! Vote ANC! Victory over the DA is possible! We must gain victory over DA!

    Speech by Marius Fransman (ANC Western Cape leader & Deputy Minister of International Relations) at the Western Cape (SACP) Provincial Launch of Red October Month in Wellington on Sunday 13th October 2013:

    Notes by Anc Western Cape

    FRANSMAN SAYS: Enough is enough! We are fedup (gatvol)! Vote ANC! Victory over the DA is possible! We must gain victory over DA!

    Today at 3:51pm

    Speech by Marius Fransman (ANC Western Cape leader & Deputy Minister of International Relations) at the Western Cape (SACP) Provincial Launch of Red October Month in Wellington on Sunday 13th October 2013:

    It gives me great pleasure to be here in your midst today to celebrate Red October month. We bring you fraternal greetings and on behalf of the ANC Western Cape, we wish you success and in particular, we salute the SACP and its revolutionary leadership for always keeping the flag of the working class masses flying high and fighting those who only advanced the interests of the privileged elite.

    It is for this reason that the role of the SACP is so critical in our progressive Alliance and Red October month celebrates this long legacy of putting the interests, welfare and fundamental rights of the working class first!

    We are now entering two decades of intense struggle in a post democratic South Africa to transform our society and to transform organs of state to serve the agenda of the National Democratic Revolution and to carry out the prerogatives to develop a national democratic society.

    We have accomplished much in the face of great odds but there still remains much to do. Our record of accomplishments over the past 19 years speaks for itself:

    We built 3.3 million houses - 600 every day;

    Transferred more than 500 000 state rental houses to long-term occupants;

    We brought electricity to 6.5 million new households taking the total number to 10 million;

    We installed 500 000 solar geysers in poor working class households;

    6.5 million households now have access to water infrastructure - totalling 11.6 million households;

    The same number have access to some free basic water;

    7 million households of those who cannot pay for their water get 6 000 litres free each month;

    11.5 million households have access to toilets - 84.3 present (that is an additional 6.5 million since 1994).

    We want to say to you today, the ANC delivers and the ANC leads. We never claim that we have the panacea for all ills but our tradition is deep rooted in consulting with our people and taking the time out to listen to the elders, talk to community leaders, understanding what our people are saying and then together finding solutions that work.

    There is a picture painted by the enemy that all is doom and gloom and twenty years of democracy has brought nothing but corruption, economic loss and social dysfunction. What is this doom and gloom that they are talking of? Have they not stolen enough? Have they not abused enough? Have they not lied enough? Have they not eaten enough of our flesh?

    Today much of our economy still remains in the hands of a privileged mainly white few; as we commemorate 100 years of that archaic and oppressive law the 1913 Native Land Act most of our land is still locked in white ownership passed on from family to family; the best and most senior jobs in the private sector are still reserved for whites; access to high quality private healthcare and the top private schools are still beyond the reach of the average black working class family; despite our sectoral charters and amended BBBEE legislation much of industry remains either untransformed or under-transformed; and nowhere are these realities more stark than here in the Western Cape where the DA Government has reversed every area of transformation that we had made as an ANC government.

    Is this the type of future we want to promise our children? Is this the type of society that we struggled for and for which many gave up their lives and for which others sacrificed sweat and tears? I therefore welcome the theme of Red October 2013: "Transform the financial sector to serve the people."

    It is no coincidence that the financial services sector is one of the largest contributors if not the second largest after agriculture of the Western Cape economy. It is an economy that remains largely untransformed. This is an indictment on us as revolutionaries and it is an obstacle to advance the economic equality agenda.

    The African National Congress, and its Alliance partners the SACP and COSATU are the mantle-bearers of the Freedom Charter that spells out clearly that "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white."

    This statement is no simple statement just as the Freedom Charter in all its simplicity was and still is not a just another simple statement articulating hot air. It represents the voice of our people forged into unity through bitter struggle under the most repressive conditions.

    I want you to understand and reflect on the nature of this Freedom Charter, the nature of our movement and why we as the leadership of the ANC in this province chose to call our strategy a "People's Path to Power".

    The Freedom Charter was collated from a charter of minimum demands made by our people. Fifty thousand (50 000) volunteers spanned the length and breadth of this country covering small villages and dorpies like Wellington, Ashton and De Doorns – everywhere - people signed the petition in great numbers - demonstrating the mass character of our movement and that the vast majority of the people of this country love the ANC.

    It is for this reason that I want to make a call on the people of Wellington, the Boland and the Western Cape as a whole. We call on all our supporters to ensure that they are registered to vote. In order to do so you must have a valid South African identity document. We call on you to demonstrate that the ANC is a mass based movement that enjoys the support of the mass of our people. Now is your chance to register next year we will call on you in 2014 to make a difference by casting your ballot and making your mark next to the ANC logo.

    I wanted to bring it to your attention that under the guise of freedom of expression some white folk have taken to usurping the legacy of Red October month to tell the world that whites in South Africa are being subjugated to the worst form of oppression and genocide. Their protest march was widely covered in the media on Friday and they claim: "whites have suffered since apartheid ended and Afrikaners ceded power to Nelson Mandela's African National Congress party in 1994".

    In 2004 they resorted to the same shenanigans shouting wolf while chomping on the juicy leg of roasted lamb. They spread rumours that whites would be massacred and coined all types of phrases for this operation - "Operation Vula", "Night of the long Knives", "Operation white clean up", "Operation Iron Eagle", "Operation Uhuru" and yes believe it or not: "Red October campaign".

    In 2004 they spread all these lies and rumours and said Mandela's death was imminent and therefore whites would be massacred."

    In his wisdom Madiba quelled the rumours saying: "My health is all right, I'm doing very well. Others have said that I am on the eve of going to my grave. If that day comes, I will go and knock at the door of heaven"

    He joked that when his time comes, "I will look for a branch of the ANC in that world and join it."

    Nicky Falkof writing in the Daily Mavericks says: "In the case of Red October month, though, there are certain things about the campaign that merit a closer look: In her book 'Aftermath of Feminism' British Cultural theorist Angela Mc Robbie dissects the way Tony Blair's aggressively neo-liberal government co-opted the language of feminism in the late 1990’s. Part of New Labour's establishment strategy, she argues, was to draw on a vocabulary familiar f


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 3 years ago Author

    jeanihess: Thank you very much for responding to our ongoing palaver above in the reply posts. I finally managed to get to your Wordpress Blog. Fascinating. I have been reading some of the posts, and I will read them all. If you were able to check check my Hubs, I am about to post a huge article on the past and present history of south Africa with all the graphics and historical research to go with/and it contains the drug saga here at home. In this Hub, you will see the whole coverage I did for and on Drugs. I hope you keep watch on my Hubs, and I think it will be the most recent according to the publish date., and I am about to publish it. It is a very long Hub, as I usually put all I can in it and link everything to everything. This new Hub will be covering time from Antiquity to the present decrepit conditions we live under, today; an ambitious effort, I agree, but will maybe break it down into four Parts, of more in-depth look at the themes presented in this one I am working on to be published.

    As I have said, I really appreciate the steps you have taken, and I am sure you will find some Hubs on South Africa interesting and unique if you visit my Hubs. I will be glad to see them posted elsewhere, because I am mainly writing as a an African of South Africa, nothing more or less. My aim is to keep in record those things that have happened to us, as a people, and those that are still happening. I am still going to write on many other subjects about South Africa, it is only that one article takes so much time in research and collection. Nonetheless, I am glad to be talking to you, and I did check out your block,and I love it, I wonder if I could post my comments on it, and if so, how?

    Whenever I write, I have African South Africans in mind, and some other topics which tickle my fancy, as you can see from all the published Hubs I have already. I do get a small trickle of traffic, but am always glad when people find these Hubs on their own. The response, like the ones you give, are more believable and genuine than trying to get people to read my Hub. I know I put out s much into the Hubs, and hope, somewhere in the world, there are people who will read it, and judge me on its/their merit/s.

    I also concur that we are connected in a strange way. But just as an added reminder, please lookout for my upcoming Hub, nearly complete, and in it, you will find the whole shindig about the drug world, trade and effects on our people in Mzantsi, Africa and the World.


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 3 years ago Author

    Jeanihess:That is why I wrote the article you have posted on your Blog: the type of mediated and roughed patched and poor couched rhetoric since we are nearing the elections. I would hope you readers take time out and read the 'whole'Hub/Blog as you have posted it, then re-read what the speech you have posted is all about.

    What I wrote about in the article above, took some time and I am still working on it some ideas from elsewhere from the covert snipping and ad hominem talking points utilized above which are pointing out to the regular hum-drum retort speechifying we are so conditioned to, that our leaders, are taking advantage of the right theses and use them for the wrong reasons: Money and upholding their clientele position in the world.

    I have addressed the crisis of the houses they built and talked about the Freedom Charter Above - and there's a Hub I titled "The World Is A Ghetto: Global Slums - Out Of Sight and out of Mind: Deterioration of the Human Condition"; and another one which dealt with the same themes I have already published is called "Anatomy of Low Intensity Warfare In South Africa: Economical Oppression-Dehumanization in the Neo-Post Apartheid Rule." These are some among the many I have written and dealt in-depth with the subterfuge and lying of our present government, that I am not surprised to see some thing I wrote prop up in the diatribe above.

    What I am saying is that, the article on the face of it sounds persuasive, and beneath it reeks of lies, distortions and id seriously uncoordinated. So that, I will simply say to your readers and others who may read this speech, to read the whole Hub I have written above, and then re-read the speech posted above. I think in the Hub, there are many issues addressed, which when read in the speech, is the same old 'the more things change, the more they remain the same'. This is partly the gist of the Hub above. Thanks again..


    bob 2 years ago

    And we could have tripled that if........................


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 2 years ago Author

    I still do not get the complete thought/idea of what you are saying above, bob...


    Jo Robertson profile image

    Jo Robertson 2 years ago from South Africa

    Wow I'm surprised. I was thinking this would be yet another "white apartheid" article, claiming that all blacks are now rich oppressors of whites in South Africa.

    Instead, I find a very balanced piece showing exactly what the current administration is doing (and failing to do).

    Kudos for you and your balanced yet honest presentation of the situation here in ZA.


    ixwa profile image

    ixwa 2 years ago Author

    Jo Robertson: Thank you very much for reading and commenting on the Hub above. In order for us to begin to work together as a 'people' of South Africa, we have to learn to tell and speak the truth by our present state. Yesteryear memories although should be talked about, in a more honest way, we should not forget that our children, who are living in this changed and changing world today, will read from what we all post on the Web. More specifically, they will be needing and wanting to know more about themselves and what happened in different epochs and time-periods before they were born. It is easy to ego-trip about what is going on today in South Africa.

    I started the Hub with a quote: "I tell the TRUTH not to convince those who do not know it, but to defend those that do" - William Blake. I did my best to honor this quote, and you have just affirmed above that is what I have tried to do. Thank you very much, Jo Robertson, I think it is in this way that we speak truth with each other, and not to each other, that I think will at lest have a paltry effect on our growing nation and its people. Ngiyabonga!/Ke a Leboha!/Dankie!/Thanks you!......

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