Patricians and Plebeians
In the early days of Rome, right after they decided they were done with kings—around the 5th century BC—a significant division emerged among its citizens, marking the start of a social structure that would define Roman society for centuries. This divide was between two groups: the patricians and the plebeians.
The patricians were essentially the upper class. The term "patrician" itself comes from "pater," meaning "father" in Latin, because these were the folks who acted as the fathers of the Roman Senate, the governing body of Rome. They were the elite, holding exclusive rights to Senate membership and, by extension, the power to make or influence most of the political decisions within the Roman state. On the other side, you had the plebeians, who made up the rest of Rome's citizenry. They were the commoners, craftsmen, farmers, soldiers—basically everyone who wasn't a patrician.
Interestingly, the divide wasn't based on race or ethnicity; both patricians and plebeians were ethnically the same. The origins of this division are a bit murky, but it seems to have been mostly about economics and social status, possibly because the patricians managed to grab most of the land early on, similar to the aristocracies in other ancient cities like Athens and Sparta.
The plebeians weren't too pleased with this state of affairs, leading to what's known as the "Struggle of the Orders." This wasn't a short-lived protest but a series of political movements and reforms that stretched over centuries, aiming to level the playing field between the two classes. Key milestones in this struggle included the establishment of the Tribune office and the popular assembly in 493 BC, which gave the plebeians a voice and some degree of power in governance. Over time, laws were published to make the legal system more transparent (451 BC), and restrictions on marriages between patricians and plebeians were lifted (445 BC). Gradually, plebeians gained access to high-ranking positions within the Roman government, such as quaestors, consuls, dictators, censors, and praetors. By 287 BC, decisions made by the plebeian assembly were recognized as binding for all Roman citizens, including patricians, marking a significant shift towards a more inclusive form of governance. However, the Senate, now open to plebeians, remained a dominant force in Rome's political landscape.
The plebeians' leverage in these negotiations largely came from their indispensable role in the Roman army and their strategic organization. They effectively formed a "state within a state," using their collective might and the threat of secession (withdrawing from the city and leaving it defenseless) as a powerful bargaining tool to win concessions from the patrician class.
As time went on, the distinction between patricians and plebeians began to blur, especially in the 3rd century BC. The rigid barriers that had once separated the two groups softened, with plebeians ascending to roles traditionally reserved for patricians. Yet, patricians were still barred from certain plebeian privileges, like holding the office of Tribune, unless they were formally adopted into a plebeian family—a notable example being Clodius, a high-profile Tribune known for his populist policies, who was originally born a patrician.
The number of patrician families, or gentes, also dwindled over the centuries. From around 50 in the 5th century BC, their numbers fell to 22 by 367 BC, and then to just 14 by the end of the Republic. This decline in patrician families continued, with most disappearing by the time Emperor Vespasian came to power. Later, Emperor Constantine would revive the title of "patrician" as an honorific designation, rewarding individuals for their loyalty and service to Rome, detached from its original hereditary and class-based implications.
This evolution from a society starkly divided between patricians and plebeians to one where the lines were increasingly blurred reflects the dynamic and often turbulent nature of Roman political life. It showcases the capacity for significant social and political change in response to the demands and pressures from within society, laying the groundwork for modern concepts of citizenship and rights.
This content is accurate and true to the best of the author’s knowledge and is not meant to substitute for formal and individualized advice from a qualified professional.
© 2009 Historia