The popular myth is that republican administrations are frugal & responsible and democratic administrations spend like drunken sailors. The facts suggest otherwise. The clear trend shows that republican administrations drive the national debt UP and democrats push it DOWN.
The graph is from James Fallows blog on the Atlantic. His source is Chuck Spinney, a budget analyst who worked in the Pentagon in the Reagan years - not a crazed liberal. Read the article.
http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/arc … rom/66530/
A SPINNY graph?
Interesting that it is based it on president instead of congress.\ Not saying that is wrong-- but leaves out a lot of details.
Doug when are you going to learn, the Dems are not any better than the Repubs. They are all corrupted. You set the numbers any way you like.
They both have been bad, just one not as worse as the other.
A good spinmeister can take the facts and render them un-recognizable.
Perhaps, when you are dealing with opinion. These are dates and numbers and percents. FACTS.
I agree , Cagsil.
The label 'democrat ' or 'republican' is not important. The philosophy is important.. Fair Taxes as a philosophy brings a balanced budget and promotes policies which provide for the middle class, elderly and the poor. As a CLEAR trend, one group has given away tax breaks to the rich while borrowing to pay the bills.
That philosophy DOES make a difference. The facts bear this out. The spin from the other side has built a false narrative.
gotta love the FACTS!
There are over 58 million dogs in the U.S!
Dogs and cats consume over $11 billion worth of pet food a year!
Fingernails grow nearly 4 times faster than toenails!
Humans blink over 10,000,000 times a year!
In the year 2000, Pope John Paul II was named an "Honorary Harlem Globetrotter."!
Every second, Americans collectively eat one hundred pounds of chocolate
A fetus develops fingerprints at eighteen weeks!
Looks like you were afraid of the facts in the OP.
Changing the subject is a good ploy
Your post is all spin!
Congress spends the money!
The president submits a proposed budget, which Congress may modify before they send it back to the president. The GOP is in the pocket of rich Americans and big business. I'm not saying there's not some democrats in the pocket of Wall Street fat cats, too. Butt he TREND is pretty clear.
Under GOP presidents, the tax breaks for the rich drive UP the deficit. Democrats collect more than they spend and drive the deficit DOWN.
Here we go.
Just hearing on tv about out-lawing abortion.
Social issues--in MY bedroom, who I love......
THIS is what your goal is. MORE gvt intervention in private lives--LESS taxes for rich.
It's OLD and TIRED, and USELESS.
Give it up--we want freedom from YOU!
The chart says BY ADMINISTRATION.
That includes the Congress that was serving under the POTUS at the time.
Yet the chart only points out Presidents, not which party was holding the purse strings during the administration.
So with the debt rising as fast as it is, the GOP and teabaggers propose to lower taxes for the top 2% - the only tax bracket the president proposes to hold at the pre-Bush tax level - when there was a budget surplus....
You show a chart which demonstrates the NEED for revenue - and in the next breath will argue against fair taxes.
Are The Income Tax Laws Legal? Is It Mandatory To File A Return?
ad·min·is·tra·tion [ad-min-uh-strey-shuhn..... ( often initial capital letter ) the executive branch of the U.S. government as headed by the President and in power during his or her term of office: "The Administration has threatened to veto the new bill. The Reagan administration followed President Carter's."
*You spin me right round, baby
right round like a record, baby
Right round round round
You spin me right round, baby
Right round like a record, baby
Right round round round
It's a spin using facts...I'm was an adman, you can totally do many kinds of spin using the same facts.
Congressional consideration of the federal budget begins once the President of the United States submits a budget request, which is formulated over a period of months with the assistance of the Office of Management and Budget, the largest office within the Executive Office of the President. The budget request includes funding requests for all federal executive departments and independent agencies.
"The President submits the budget request each year to Congress for the following fiscal year, as required by the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921. Current law (31 U.S.C. 1105(a)) requires the President to submit a budget no earlier than the first Monday in January, and no later than the first Monday in February. Typically, Presidents submit budgets on the first Monday in February.
The President's budget request constitutes an extensive proposal of the administration's intended spending and revenue plans for the following fiscal year. The budget proposal includes volumes of supporting information intended to persuade Congress of the necessity and value of the budget provisions. In addition, each federal executive department and independent agency provides additional detail and supporting documentation to Congress on its own funding requests."
The Congressional Budget Process:
A Brief Overview
James V. Saturno
Specialist on the Congress
Government and Finance Division
The term “budget process,” when applied to the federal government, actually refers
to a number of processes that have evolved separately and that occur with varying
degrees of coordination. This overview, and the accompanying flow chart, are intended
to describe each of the parts of the budget process that involve Congress, clarify the role
played by each, and explain how they operate together. They include: the President’s
budget submission, the budget resolution, reconciliation, sequestration, authorizations,
and appropriations. This report will be updated to reflect any changes in the budget
The Basic Framework. The Constitution grants the “power of the purse” to
Congress,1 but does not establish any specific procedure for the consideration of
budgetary legislation. Although a number of laws and congressional rules contribute to
the federal budget process, two statutes in particular form the basic framework.
The Budget and Accounting Act of 1921, as codified in Title 31 of the United States
Code, established the statutory basis for an executive budget process by requiring the
President to submit to Congress annually a proposed budget for the federal government.
It also created the Bureau of the Budget (reorganized as the Office of Management and
Budget (OMB) in 1970) to assist him in carrying out his responsibilities, and the General
Accounting Office (GAO) to assist Congress as the principal auditing agency of the
The Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 (P.L. 93-344, 88
Stat. 297) established the statutory basis for a congressional budget process, and provided
2 Discretionary spending is that spending not mandated by existing law and made available
through the annual appropriations in such amounts as Congress chooses.
3 Direct spending, also referred to as mandatory or entitlement spending, is that spending
mandated in laws other than appropriations.
for the annual adoption of a concurrent resolution on the budget as a mechanism for
facilitating congressional budgetary decision making. It also established the House and
Senate Budget Committees and created the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) to
provide budgetary information to Congress independent of the executive branch.
The Budget Cycle. The President is required to submit to Congress a proposed
budget by the first Monday in February. Although this budget does not have the force of
law, it is a comprehensive examination of federal revenues and spending, including any
initiatives recommended by the President, and is the start of extensive interaction with
Within six weeks of the President’s budget submission, congressional committees
are required to submit their “views and estimates” of spending and revenues within their
respective jurisdictions to the House and Senate Budget Committees. These views and
estimates, along with information from other sources, is then used by each Budget
Committee in drafting and reporting a concurrent resolution on the budget to its respective
house. Other information is gathered by the Budget Committees in reports and hearing
testimony. That information includes budget and economic projections, programmatic
information, and budget priorities, and comes from a variety of sources, such as CBO,
OMB, the Federal Reserve, executive branch agencies, and congressional leadership.
Although it also does not have the force of law, the budget resolution is a central part
of the budget process in Congress. As a concurrent resolution, it represents an agreement
between the House and Senate that establishes budget priorities, and defines the
parameters for all subsequent budgetary actions. The spending, revenue, and public debt
laws necessary to implement decisions agreed to in the budget resolution are subsequently
Discretionary spending,2 involves annual actions that must be completed before the
beginning of a new fiscal year on October 1. Changes in direct spending3 or revenue laws
may also be a part of budgetary actions in any given year. When these changes are
directly tied to implementing the fiscal policies in the budget resolution for that year, the
reconciliation process may be used. Reconciliation typically follows a timetable
established in the budget resolution. Other budgetary legislation, such as changes in
direct spending or revenue laws separate from the reconciliation process, changes in the
public debt limit, or authorizing legislation, are not tied directly to the annual budget
cycle. However, such legislation may be a necessary part of budgetary actions in any
The Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (P.L. 99-177, 99
Stat. 1037) established the sequester as a means to enforce statutory budget limits.
Amendments to this act were designed to use sequesters to control direct spending and
revenues (through the pay-as-you-go, or PAYGO, process) and discretionary spending
4 These mechanisms were first established under the Budget Enforcement Act of 1990 (Title XIII
of P.L. 101-508, Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990). Originally enacted with a sunset
date of FY1995, they were extended twice, through FY1998 (Title XIV of P.L. 103-66, Omnibus
Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993) and through FY2002 (Budget Enforcement Act of 1997, Title
X of P.L. 105-33, Balanced Budget Act of 1997).
(through spending caps). Those mechanisms expired October 1, 2002.4 Previously, under
these mechanisms, the budgetary impact of all legislation was scored by OMB, and
reported three times each year (a preview with the President’s budget submission, an
update with the Mid-Session Review of the Budget, and a final report 15 after Congress
adjourned). If the final report on either the PAYGO or spending caps mechanism
indicated that the statutory limitations within that category had been violated, the
President was required to issue an order making across-the-board cuts of nonexempt
spending programs within that category.
The Budget Resolution and Reconciliation. The budget resolution represents
an agreement between the House and Senate concerning the overall size of the federal
budget, and the general composition of the budget in terms of functional categories. The
amounts in functional categories are translated into allocations to each committee with
jurisdiction over spending in a process called “crosswalking” under Section 302(a) of the
Congressional Budget Act. Legislation considered by the House and Senate must be
consistent with these allocations, as well as with the aggregate levels of spending and
revenues. Both the allocations and aggregates are enforceable through points of order that
may be made during House or Senate floor consideration of such legislation. These
allocations are supplemented by nonbinding assumptions concerning the substance of
possible budgetary legislation which are included in the reports from the Budget
Committees that accompany the budget resolution in each house.
In some years, the budget resolution includes reconciliation instructions.
Reconciliation instructions are intended to identify the committees that must recommend
changes in laws affecting revenues or direct spending programs within their jurisdiction
in order to implement the priorities agreed to in the budget resolution. All committees
receiving such instructions must submit recommended legislative language to the Budget
Committee in their respective chamber, which packages the recommended language as
an omnibus measure and reports the measure without substantive revision. A
reconciliation bill would then be considered, and possibly amended, by the full House or
Senate. In the House, reconciliation bills are typically considered under the terms of a
special rule. In the Senate, reconciliation bills are considered under limitations imposed
by Section 305, 310, and 313 of the Congressional Budget Act. These sections limit
debate on a reconciliation bill to 20 hours, and limit the types of amendments that may
The Appropriations Process. The annual appropriations process provides
funding for discretionary spending programs through 13 regular appropriations bills.
Congress must enact these measures prior to the beginning of each fiscal year (October
1) or provide interim funding for the affected programs through a “continuing resolution.”
By custom, appropriations bills originate in the House, but may be amended by the
Senate, as other legislation.
5 Authorizations are legislation that establish, continue, or modify an agency or program, and
authorize the enactment of appropriations for that purpose. Authorizations may be temporary or
permanent, and their provisions may be general or specific, but they do not themselves provide
funding in the absence of appropriations actions. Although House and Senate rules generally
prohibit unauthorized appropriations, both provide exceptions in their respective rules and the
prohibition itself may be waived.
6 CRS Report RL31443, The “Deeming Resolution”: A Budget Enforcement Tool, by Robert
The House and Senate Appropriations Committees are organized into 13
subcommittees, each of which is responsible for developing an appropriations bill.
Appropriations bills are constrained in terms of both their purpose and the amount of
funding they provide. Appropriations are constrained in terms of purpose because the
rules of both the House (Rule XXI) and the Senate (Rule XVI) generally require
authorization prior to consideration of appropriations for an agency or program.5
Constraints in terms of the amount of funding exist on several levels. For individual
items or programs, funding may be limited to the level recommended in authorizing
legislation. Also, between FY1991 and FY2002, the discretionary spending provided in
appropriations acts were limited by discretionary spending caps (these spending caps are
described below). Finally, the allocations from the budget resolution made to the
Appropriations Committees under Section 302(a) of the Budget Act provide limits that
may be enforced procedurally through points of order in the House and Senate during
consideration of the legislation. In the absence of a final agreement on a concurrent
resolution on the budget, the House or Senate may adopt a “deeming resolution” to
establish provisional enforcement levels.6
Section 302(b) of the Budget Act further requires the House and Senate
Appropriations Committees to subdivide the amounts allocated to them under the budget
resolution among their subcommittees. These suballocations are to be made “as soon as
practicable after a concurrent resolution on the budget is agreed to.” Because each
subcommittee is responsible for developing a single general appropriations bill, the
process of making suballocations effectively determines the spending level for each of the
13 regular appropriations bills. Legislation (or amendments) that would cause the
suballocations made under 302(b) to be exceeded is subject to a point of order. The
Appropriations Committees can (and do) issue revised subdivisions over the course of
appropriations actions to reflect changes in spending priorities effected during floor
consideration or in conference.
Revenue and Public Debt Legislation. The budget resolution provides a
guideline for the overall level of revenues, but not for their composition. Legislative
language controlling revenues is reported by the committees of jurisdiction (the House
Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee). The revenue level
agreed to in the budget resolution acts as a minimum, limiting consideration of revenue
legislation that would decrease revenue below that level. In addition, Article I, Section
7 of the Constitution requires that all revenue measures originate in the House of
Representatives, although the Senate may amend them, as other legislation. Revenue
legislation may be considered at any time, although revenue provisions are often included
in reconciliation legislation.
7 CRS Report RS21519, Legislative Procedures for Adjusting the Public Debt Limit: A Brief
Overview, by Robert Keith and Bill Heniff Jr.
The budget resolution also specifies an appropriate level for the public debt that
reflects the budgetary policies agreed to in the resolution. Any change in the authorized
level of the public debt must be implemented through a statutory enactment.7
Budget Enforcement and Sequestration. The statutory budget enforcement
procedures of recent years have been part of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985, as amended. Between 1990 and 2002, the act provided two separate
mechanisms: spending caps in Section 251, designed to limit discretionary spending to
a designated level; and the PAYGO process in Section 252, designed to limit changes in
the level of revenues and direct spending by new legislation. In both cases, the
mechanism was enforced by a presidential sequester order after the end of a congressional
session. If legislation were enacted that would violate the limits established under either
of these mechanisms, the President was required to issue an order for an across-the-board
spending cut of nonexempt spending programs within that category. Although formal
enforcement of these mechanisms was through a presidential order, by enforcing the
allocations and aggregates for spending and revenues provided in the budget resolution
consistent with these limits, Congress was able to use points of order to enforce them as
well. Although statutory limits expired at the end of FY2002, Congress continues to use
the concurrent resolution on the budget to establish and enforce budgetary limits.
For anyone who wants to see that Facts ARE spin (it just depends on how you present them), please read the book "How to Lie with Statistics" -- it was written 60 (70?) years ago and shows how statistics can be used to show just about anything.
With the statistics shown above, Doug is making an artificial link between his claims and the stats he shows. --- Doug says that "The clear trend shows that republican administrations drive the national debt UP and democrats push it DOWN. " , but his chart does NOT show this. Here's a chart about the TOTAL national debt in the country since 1940. You can easily see that the information that Doug provided is horribly misleading.
At first glance, it looks like "party and frugality" are connected. At second glance, and through a few logical "thinking through things", we see that it's utter crap.
For example, 1st off - congress is the group of people who pass budgets, not the president. 2nd off- numerous "the good ones" on the chart were republicans, 3rd off - Congress during the clinton years was republican, and.... ya da ya da ya da.
Here's a website to contrast what Doug wrote with "which party was congress" http://uspolitics.about.com/od/usgovern … sion_2.htm
I think anyone who actually analyzed that image that doug put up will see there is little correlation between frugality and party.
After all, anyone familiar with the flying spaghetti monster can easily attest to the fact that world temperatures and the number of pirates are indirectly correlated.
And finally - please take note that the claim he's making isn't even about frugality (which is what the graph seems to display ---- ****doug did not make the claim about frugality, I did *** --- but it is what the image SEEMS to be showing). The image shown is simply who made the "debt burden change". This can mean so many different things (increased spending, decreased taxes, increased inflation, increased borrowing, yada yada)
Finally, I'm not calling Doug a liar - i would never do that. Even though we disagree a lot, he's still intelligent. I'm simply pointing out that even looking at statistics can be horribly misleading
Please read the book "How to lie with statistics", I have it linked through some of my latest hubs.
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